nations than the emergence of an American world rule.
Pan Europe cannot be summoned to the solution of this problem, but only a Europe with free and independent national States whose areas of interest are divergent and precisely delimited.
Only then can the time ripen for Germany, secured by a France pushed back within her own boundaries, and supported by her Army born anew, to lead the way toward the elimination of her territorial need. Once our Folk, however, will have grasped this great geopolitical aim in the east, the consequence will not only be clarity regarding German foreign policy, but also stability, at least for a humanly predictable time, will make it possible to avoid political insanities like those which ultimately entangled our Folk in the World War. And then we will also have ultimately overcome the period of this petty daily clamour and of the completely sterile economic and border policy.
Germany then, also domestically, will have to take steps toward the strongest concentration of her means of power. She will have to realise that armies and navies are set up and organised, not along romantic lines, but according to practical requirements. Then she will automatically select as our greatest task the formation of a superior strong Land Army, since our future as a matter of fact does not lie on the water, but in Europe rather.
Only if we will have completely perceived the meaning of this proposition and put an end to our Folk’s territorial need, in the east and on the largest scale, along the lines of this perception will German economy also cease to be a factor of world unrest which brings a thousand dangers down upon us. It will then at least serve the satisfaction of our domestic needs in their major aspects. A Folk which no longer needs to shunt off its rising rural generations into the big cities as factory workers, but which instead can settle them as free peasants on their own soil, will open up a domestic sales market to German industry which can gradually remove and exempt it from the frenzied struggle and scramble for the so called place in the sun in the rest of the world.
It is the foreign policy task of the National Socialist Movement to prepare and ultimately to carry out this development. It must also place foreign policy in the service of the reorganisation of our Folkdom on the basis of its world view range of ideas. Even here it must anchor the principle that we do not fight for systems but for a living Folk, that is, for flesh and blood, which must be preserved, and whose daily bread must not be lacking so that in consequence of its physical health it can also be healthy spiritually.
Just as it must step over a thousand obstacles, misunderstandings and malignities in its struggle for reform in its domestic policy, likewise in foreign policy must it also clear away not only the conscious betrayal of the country by Marxism, but also the rubbish heap of worthless, indeed harmful phrases and ideas of our national, bourgeois world. Thus the less understanding there will be for the significance of our struggle at the moment, all the more powerful will be its success some day.
Why Italy today can primarily be considered as an ally for Germany is connected with the fact that this country is the only one whose domestic and foreign policy is determined by purely Italian national interests. These Italian national interests are the only ones which do not contradict German interests, and, conversely, German interests do not run counter to them. And this is important not only for factual reasons, but also on the basis of the following:
The war against Germany was fought by an overpowering world coalition in which only a part of the States could have a direct interest in Germany’s destruction. In not a few countries, the shift to war was brought by influences which in no way sprang from the real domestic interests of these nations, or even which could also be to their benefit. A monstrous war propaganda began to befog public opinion of these Folks, and to stir them into enthusiasm for a war which for these very Folks in part could not bring any gain at all, and indeed sometimes ran downright counter to their real interests.
International world Jewry was the power which instigated this enormous war propaganda. For as senseless as the participation in the War by many of these nations may have been, seen from the viewpoint of their own interests, it was just as meaningful and logically correct seen from the viewpoint of the interests of world Jewry.
It is not my task here to enter into a discussion of the Jewish question as such. This cannot take place in the framework of a necessarily brief and compressed presentation. The following is said here only [so much] in the interests of a better understanding:
Jewry is a Folk with a racial core that is not wholly unitary. Nevertheless, as a Folk, it has special intrinsic characteristics which separate it from all other Folks living on the globe. Jewry is not a religious community, but the religious bond between Jews; rather is in reality the momentary governmental system of the Jewish Folk. The Jew has never had a territorially bounded State of his own in the manner of Aryan States.
Nevertheless, his religious community is a real State, since it guarantees the preservation, the increase and the future of the Jewish Folk. But this is solely the task of the State. That the Jewish State is subject to no territorial limitation, as is the case with Aryan States, is connected with the character of the Jewish Folk, which is lacking in the productive forces for the construction and preservation of its own territorial State.
Just as every Folk as a basic tendency of all its Earthly actions possesses a mania for self preservation as its driving force, likewise is it exactly so with Jewry, too. Only here, in accord with their basically different dispositions, the struggle for existence of Aryan Folks and Jewry is also different in its forms. The foundation of the Aryan struggle for life is the soil, which he cultivates, and which provides the general basis for an economy satisfying primarily its own needs within its own orbit through the productive forces of its own Folk.
Because of the lack of productive capacities of its own, the Jewish Folk cannot carry out the construction of a State, viewed in a territorial sense, but as a support of its own existence it needs the work and creative activities of other nations. Thus the existence of the Jew himself becomes a parasitical one within the lives of other Folks.
Hence the ultimate goal of the Jewish struggle for existence is the enslavement of productively active Folks. In order to achieve this goal, which in reality has represented Jewry’s struggle for existence at all times, the Jew makes use of all weapons that are in keeping with the whole complex of his character.
Therefore in domestic politics within the individual nations he fights first for equal rights and later for superior rights. The characteristics of cunning, intelligence, astuteness, knavery, dissimulation, and so on, rooted in the character of his Folkdom, serve him as weapons thereto. They are as much stratagems in his war of survival as those of other Folks in combat.
In foreign policy, he tries to bring nations into a state of unrest, to divert them from their true interests, and to plunge them into reciprocal wars, and in this way gradually rise to mastery over them with the help of the power of money and propaganda.
His ultimate goal is the denationalisation, the promiscuous bastardisation of other Folks, the lowering of the racial levy of the highest Folks, as well as the domination of this racial mishmash through the extirpation of the Folkish intelligentsia and its replacement by the members of his own Folk.
The end of the Jewish world struggle therefore will always be a bloody Bolshevisation. In truth, this means the destruction of all the intellectual upper classes linked to their Folks so that he can rise to become the master of a mankind become leaderless.
Stupidity, cowardice and baseness, therefore, play into his hands. In bastards he secures for himself the first openings for the penetration of an alien nation.
Hence the result of Jewish domination is always the ruin of all culture, and finally the madness of the Jew himself. For he is a parasite of nations, and his victory signifies his own end as much as the death of his victim.
With the collapse of the ancient world, the Jews encountered young, in part still completely unspoiled, Folks, sure in racial instinct, who protected themselves against being infiltrated by them. He was a foreigner, and all his lies and dissimulation helped him little for nearly one and a half thousand years.
It was the feudal domination and the government of the princes which first created a general situation which allowed him to attach himself to the struggle of an oppressed social class, indeed to make this struggle his own in a short time. He received civil equality with the French Revolution. With that the bridge was constructed over which he could stride to the conquest of political power within nations.
The nineteenth century gave him a dominating position within the economy of nations through the building up of loan capital, based on ideas regarding interest. Finally, through the subterfuge of stock holdings, he placed himself in possession of a great part of the production sites, and with the help of the stock exchange he gradually became not only the ruler of public economic life, but ultimately also of political life. He supported this rule by means of the intellectual contamination of nations with the help of Freemasonry as well as by the work of the press
