37. John Patrick Diggins, 'Flirtation with Fascism: American Pragmatic Liberals and Mussolini's Italy,' American Historical Review 71, no. 2 (Jan. 1966), p. 494.
38. 'No doubt there were single hours in the world war,' Ross wrote in The Russian Soviet Republic, 'when more Russian lives were consumed than the Red Terror ever took...it accomplished its purpose in that the bourgeoisie suddenly ceased to plot.' Dimitri von Mohrenschildt, 'The Early American Observers of the Russian Revolution, 1917-1921,' Russian Review 3, no. 1 (Autumn 1943), p. 67. Razstrellyat misspelled in original.
39. Ibid., p. 69.
40. Lewis S. Feuer, 'American Travelers to the Soviet Union, 1917-32: The Formation of a Component of New Deal Ideology,' American Quarterly 14, no. 2, pt. 1 (Summer 1962), p. 125; Stuart Chase, Robert Dunn, and Rexford Guy Tugwell, eds., Soviet Russia in the Second Decade (New York: John Day, 1928), pp. 49-50, 54.
41. Feuer, 'American Travelers to the Soviet Union,' pp. 102, 128, 126, 119-49.
42. Ibid., p. 132.
43. The March 2, 1927, issue of the New Republic informed readers that 'the more liberal attitude is to regard Fascism in Italy, like Communism in Russia, as a political and social experiment which has a function in Italian political development and which cannot be understood and appraised from the formulas either of its friends or enemies.'
44. Diggins, 'Flirtation with Fascism,' p. 494, citing Charles A. Beard, 'Making the Fascist State,' New Republic, Jan. 23, 1929, pp. 277-78.
45. West, Darwin's Conservatives, p. 60.
46. It was around this time that the New Republic became akin to an intellectual PR firm for the Wilson administration. Teddy Roosevelt was so frustrated that his former cheering section had switched loyalties he proclaimed the New Republic a 'negligible sheet run by two anemic Gentiles and two uncircumcised Jews.' Goldman, Rendezvous with Destiny, p. 194.
47. Woodrow Wilson, Address to a Joint Session of Congress on Trusts and Monopolies, Jan. 20, 1914, www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=65374 (accessed March 14, 2007).
48. Wilson's conviction that he was the messianic incarnation of world-historical forces was total. Time and again he argued that he was the instrument of God or history or both. He concluded a famous speech to the League to Enforce Peace:
But I did not come here, let me repeat, to discuss a program. I came only to avow a creed and give expression to the confidence I feel that the world is even now upon the eve of a great consummation, when some common force will be brought into existence which shall safeguard right as the first and most fundamental interest of all peoples and all governments, when coercion shall be summoned not to the service of political ambition or selfish hostility, but to the service of a common order, a common justice, and a common peace. God grant that the dawn of that day of frank dealing and of settled peace, concord, and cooperation may be near at hand!
Full text can be found at www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=65391. Woodrow Wilson, The Messages and Papers of Woodrow Wilson, vol. 1, ed. Albert Shaw (New York: Review of Reviews Corporation, 1924), p. 275. See also 'Text of the President's Speech Discussing Peace and Our Part in a Future League to Prevent War,' New York Times, May 28, 1916, p. 1.
49. William E. Leuchtenburg, The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), p. 39.
50. For the Dewey quotation, see www.fff.org/freedom/fd0203c.asp; for the Blatch, see McGerr, Fierce Discontent, p. 282, and John M. Barry, The Great Influenza: The Epic Story of the Deadliest Plague in History (New York: Penguin, 2004), p. 127; for the Ely, see Murray N. Rothbard, 'Richard T. Ely: Paladin of the Welfare-Warfare State,' Independent Review 6, no. 4 (Spring 2002), p. 587; for the Wilson, see 'Gov. Wilson Stirs Spanish Veterans,' New York Times, Sept. 11, 1912, p. 3; for the Hitler, see The Goebbels Diaries, 1942- 1943, ed. Louis P. Lochner (New York: Doubleday, 1948), p. 314.
51. McGerr, Fierce Discontent, p. 282.
52. For the Croly quotations, see 'The End of American Isolation,' editorial, New Republic, Nov. 7, 1914, quoted in John B. Judis, 'Homeward Bound,' New Republic, March 3, 2003, p. 16; and Ekirch, Decline of American Liberalism, p. 202. For the Lippmann quotations, see Ronald Steel, 'The Missionary,' New York Review of Books, Nov. 20, 2003; and Heinz Eulau, 'From Public Opinion to Public Philosophy: Walter Lippmann's Classic Reexamined,' American Journal of Economics and Sociology, vol. 15, no. 4 (July 1956), p. 441.
53. Leuchtenburg, FDR Years, p. 39; David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 52.
54. Grosvenor Clarkson, Industrial America in the World War: The Strategy Behind the Line, 1917-1918 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1923), p. 292.
55. McGerr, Fierce Discontent, p. 289; Woodrow Wilson, A Proclamation by the President of the United States, as printed in New York Times, May 19, 1917, p. 1.
56. Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1922).
57. McGerr, Fierce Discontent, p. 288; Barry, Great Influenza, p. 127.
58. For the Bernays quotation, see Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion: An American History (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 70. For the CPI posters, see Barry, Great Influenza, p. 127.
59. Barry, Great Influenza, p. 126.
60. 'Charges Traitors in America Are Disrupting Russia,' New York Times, Sept. 16, 1917, p. 3; Stephen Vaughn, 'First Amendment Liberties and the Committee on Public Information,' American Journal of Legal History 23, no. 2 (April 1979), p. 116.
61. McGerr, Fierce Discontent, p. 293.
62. Ibid., pp. 293, 294.
63. H. W. Brands, The Strange Death of American Liberalism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2001), p. 40. In all of the cases of Burleson's clamping down on the press, there are only two instances when Wilson disagreed with his postmaster enough to redress the situation. In all the others Wilson steadfastly supported the government's largely unlimited right to censor the press — including one instance when Burleson used his powers to harass a local Texas journal that criticized his decision to evict sharecroppers from his property. In a letter to one congressman, Wilson declared that censorship is 'absolutely necessary to the public safety.' John Sayer, 'Art and Politics, Dissent and Repression: The Masses Magazine Versus the Government, 1917-1918,' American Journal of Legal History 32, no. 1 (Jan. 1988), p. 46.
64. Sayer, 'Art and Politics, Dissent and Repression,' p. 64 n. 99; Ekirch, Decline of American Liberalism, pp. 216-17.
65. Carl Brent Swisher, 'Civil Liberties in War Time,' Political Science Quarterly 55, no. 3 (Sept. 1940), p. 335.
66. See Howard Zinn, The Twentieth Century: A People's History (New York: HarperCollins, 2003), pp. 89-92.
67. Norman Hapgood, Professional Patriots (New York: Boni, 1927), p. 62. See also John Patrick Diggins, Mussolini and Fascism: The View from America (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972), p. 206. About a decade later, a legion representative from Texas pinned a legion button on Mussolini's lapel, making him an honorary member. In return, Mussolini posed for a photograph wearing a Texas cowboy hat with the legion colonel.
68. 'Congress Cheers as Wilson Urges Curb on Plotters,' New York Times, Dec. 8, 1915, p. 1; Charles Seymour, Woodrow Wilson and the World War: A Chronicle of Our Own Times (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1921), p. 79; 'Suggests Canada Might Vote with US,'
