1. Kennan, Russia, p. 59.

Courtesy of Edward Wardell

|

Above is the 'Red Cross Mission' in Moscow shortly after the Bolshevik Revolution. (L-R) J.W. Andrews, Raymond Robins, Allen Wardell, D. Heywood Hardy. Under the pretense of humanitarianism, the Misson's key personnel were Wall Street financiers following their own agenda for acquiring profitable commercial concessions from the new government. They heavily financed all factions of the revolutionary movement to be sure of gaining influence with whatever group should come out on top.

Below is a cablegram from J.P. Morgan to William Boyce Thompson-head of the Red Cross Mission prior to Robins-advising that one million dollars had been transferred to Thompson via the National City Bank. There were many such infusions of 'Capitalist' money into the new Communist regime. The process continues to this day.

284

Chapter Fourteen

THE BEST ENEMY

MONEY CAN BUY

The coup d'etat in Russia in which the Bolshevik minority seized control from the revolutionary

majority; the role played by New York financiers,

masquerading as Red Cross officials, in support-

ing the Bolsheviks; the unbroken record since then

of American assistance in building Russia's war-

making potential; the emergence of a 'credible

enemy' in accordance with the Rothschild

Formula.

In the previous section we saw that the Red Cross Mission in revolutionary Russia was, in the words of its own personnel,

'nothing but a mask.' This leads to the logical question, what were the true motives and goals that were hidden behind that mask.

In later years, it would be explained by the participants themselves that they simply were engaged in a humanitarian effort to keep Russia in the war against Germany and, thus, to help the cause of freedom for England and her allies. For Jacob Schiff and other Jewish financiers in New York, there was the additional explanation that they opposed the Tsar because of his anti-Semitism. These, of course, are admirable motives, and they have been uncritically accepted by mainstream historians ever since.

Unfortunately, the official explanations do not square with the facts.

RUSSIA'S TWO REVOLUTIONS

The facts are that there were two revolutions in Russia that year, not one. The first, called the February Revolution, resulted in the establishment of a provisional socialist government under the leadership of Aleksandr Kerensky. It was relatively moderate in its policies and attempted to accommodate all revolutionary factions including the Bolsheviks who were the smallest minority. When 286

THE CREATURE FROM JEKYLL ISLAND

the February Revolution occurred, neither Lenin nor Trotsky were even in Russia. Lenin was in Switzerland and didn't arrive until April. Trotsky was still in New York writing propaganda and giving speeches.

The second revolution, called the October Revolution, was the one through which the Bolsheviks came to power. It was, in fact, no revolution at all. It was a coup d'etat. The Bolsheviks simply took advantage of the confusion and indecisiveness that existed among the various groups that comprised the new government and caught them by surprise with a lightening strike of force. With a combination of bribes and propaganda, they recruited several regiments of soldiers and sailors and, in the early morning darkness of October 25, methodically took military possession of all government buildings and communication centers. No one was prepared for such audacity, and resistance was almost non-existent. By dawn, without the Russian people even knowing what had happened—much less having any voice in that action, their country had been captured by a minority faction and become the world's first so-called

'people's republic.' Within two days, Kerensky had fled for his life, and all Provisional Government ministers had been arrested.

That is how the Communists seized Russia and that is how they held it afterward. Contrary to the Marxian myth, they have never represented the people. They simply have the guns.

The basic facts of this so-called revolution are described by Professor Leonard Schapiro in his authoritative work, The Russian Revolutions of 1917:

All the evidence suggests that when the crisis came the great majority of units of the Petrograd Garrison did not support the government but simply remained neutral.... The Cossack units rejected its call for support, leaving the government with only a few hundred women soldiers and around two thousand military cadets on its side. The

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