“That won’t work either, Mr. President. If you read the summary on the Helsinki meeting you’ll see that McGarvey has not only agreed to do the job for one million dollars — money that has apparently already been transferred to an account in the British Channel Islands-but he’ll make no further contact.”

“Paris is not that big a city—”

“McGarvey is already here in Moscow,” Yuryn cut in impatiently. “It’s even possible that he was in Nizhny Novgorod to witness the latest spectacle.” “Then he’s tried and failed?”

“He probably came here to work out his plans. I think he’s waiting for something, for the right moment.”

“Do we have a photograph of him?”

“Da.”

“Then with the help of the Militia, you will find him.”

“We can try that. But if we don’t succeed, and McGarvey finds out, then he’ll be all the more difficult to kill. In any event he’s probably here under an assumed identity, and very likely in disguise. He knows what he’s doing, and his Russian is said to be nearly perfect.”

“Is he working for the CIA? You said he was a former officer, but have they rehired him to do this thing?”

“I don’t think so,” Yuryn said. “Which does give us an advantage, if you want to take it.”

“I’m listening,” Kabatov said, his insides seething.

“We’ll form a special task force to find and destroy this American before he gets a chance to assassinate Tarankov. The Americans want our reform movement to succeed as much as we do. So you might think about asking President Lindsay for help. Between us, the CIA, and possibly the French on whose soil McGarvey apparently now resides, we will catch him. Even a man such as McGarvey cannot outwit the combined forces of the police and intelligence services of three countries. In the meantime we’ll keep this from the public to avoid any panic or possible backlash.”

“We’ll also maintain our efforts to capture Tarankov. Once we have him in custody, McGarvey will become a moot point.”

“Agreed, Mr. President. For the moment it will be a race against us and him.”

“Will you head this special commission?”

“No,” Yuryn said.

“Who then?”

“When I was head of the old KGB’s First Directorate a man named Yuri Bykov worked for me. When the Komityet was split apart he left Moscow.”

“Is he good?”

“He’s the best.”

“Where is he now?” Kabatov asked.

“In the East. Krasnoyarsk, I think. I’ll get word to him to come immediately.”

“Will you arrest Yemlin?”

“Not yet, Mr. President. There is an outside chance that McGarvey might contact him. If that should happen we’ll be ready.”

“As you wish. Get Bykov here as quickly as possible. This situation must be resolved.”

At 5:00 p.m. that afternoon, Kabatov placed a call to President Lindsay who was just about to receive his 9:00 a.m. CIA briefing from Roland Murphy, a fact of which he was not aware. Nor was he aware that Lindsay immediately switched the call to his speaker phone. So far as Kabatov knew he was seated alone in his office in the Kremlin, speaking to the American President who was alone in his Oval Office.

“Good morning, Mr. President,” Kabatov said. “I trust your day is beginning well?” Kabatov’s English was passable, so translators were not necessary.

“Good afternoon, Mr. President,” Lindsay said. “My morning is busy. We’ll be leaving for Moscow in a few hours. Is this why you called?”

“No, the State funeral will be conducted on schedule tomorrow, and were our meeting to be under any other circumstances I would welcome the opportunity to finally meet you.”

“May I again offer my condolences, and those of the United States.”

“Thank you, that is very kind.” Kabatov hesitated. Lindsay was not a devious man. He seemed to have no hidden agenda as did so many American presidents before. But it was possible that McGarvey was working for the CIA after all, in which case Kabatov was about to make a fool of himself. Nonetheless there was no other choice. “Another matter has developed, Mr. President, for which I would like to ask your help.”

“I’ll certainly do what I can, Mr. President. But if you’re speaking about the internal affair we discussed earlier, I don’t know if there is much of a substantive nature that I can do for you.”

“This morning I was given a report by the director of our internal intelligence service that a plot to assassinate Yevgenni Tarankov seems to be developing. The assassin may be an American citizen — as a matter of fact a former Central Intelligence Agency officer by the name of Kirk McGarvey. And, Mr. President, I stress former CIA officer.”

“I see,” President Lindsay said after a moment. “I assume that you would not have made this call if you believed this information was anything less than certain.”

“That is correct. I am forming a special commission to hunt down this man and stop him. Tarankov will. be arrested and brought to trial, it is the only option open to me that makes any democratic sense. I’m sure you can understand the difficulties we are facing.” “Yes, I do,” Lindsay said. “How may I help?”

“It may be possible that McGarvey is already here in Moscow. On the chance that information is incorrect, or that he has returned to France, or the United States, I would like the Central Intelligence

Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation to locate and detain him. I intend asking President Chirac for his help as well.”

“That may present us with a problem,” Lindsay said, and Kabatov got the distinct impression that the man was holding something back.

“Yes?”

“If Mr. McGarvey has broken no U.S. law there’s actually very little that I can do. I’m sure that President Chirac will tell you the same thing.”

“I’m simply asking for enough time that my police can take Tarankov into custody.”

“How much time?”

“Certainly before the June elections. Less than eleven weeks.”

Again Lindsay didn’t respond immediately, and Kabatov got the impression that the President might have someone with him after all, an adviser.

“Mr. President, I’ll do whatever is possible,” Lindsay said. “I sincerely understand the problems you’re faced with, and I give you my assurances that if Mr. McGarvey returns to the’ United States he will be detained and questioned.”

“I can ask for nothing more, Mr. President,” Kabatov said.

“Will you send me a report on what you have?”

“Immediately,” Kabatov said.

“Then, good luck, Mr. President,” Lindsay said.

“Yes, thank you, Mr. President.”

TWO

APRIL

TWENTY-FOUR

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