“Of course, Mrs. Kennedy.”
When I called for the helicopter, I found out that indeed the president had left Chicago early—due to a “bad cold.”
I knew damn well the president didn’t have a cold, and never before had he requested Mrs. Kennedy to return to the White House from Glen Ora.
ADDITIONAL PHOTOS AND analysis had concluded that the Soviets were readying fighter jets and bombers and were assembling cruise missile launchers. Additionally, there was evidence that SS-5 missiles were being assembled, which were capable of reaching anywhere in the continental United States. President Kennedy decided it was time to alert the American public that we were facing a chilling crisis. There was no more time for discussion. He had to make a final decision on military options. On Monday evening, October 22, from his desk at the Oval Office, the president appeared on live television and radio and somberly laid out the indisputable evidence that had been gathered over the past six days. In the seventeen-minute address he gave Khrushchev an ultimatum to “halt and eliminate this clandestine, reckless and provocative threat to world peace and to stable relations between our two nations” or else the United States would, justifiably, take military action.
Looking into the cameras, the president stated, “I have directed the armed forces to prepare for any eventualities; and I trust that in the interest of both the Cuban people and the Soviet technicians at the sites, the hazards to all concerned in continuing this threat will be recognized.”
He outlined the immediate steps the United States was taking, including a strict “quarantine”—essentially a blockade—on all ships containing cargoes of offensive weapons, as well as a request for an emergency meeting of the Security Council of the United Nations.
He ended the solemn address with this: “My fellow citizens, let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangerous effort on which we have set out . . . but the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing.
“The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are—but it is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high—and Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission.
“Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right—not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved.
“Thank you and good night.”
THE READINESS OF the defense establishment, a state commonly referred to as DEFCON, for “Defense Condition,” is noted by a numbering system that indicates the severity of the situation. DEFCON 5 is the least severe condition, while DEFCON 1 means a nuclear war is imminent. On October 22, a DEFCON 3 was ordered for the entire military establishment, meaning an increase in readiness from that which is normal. The Strategic Air Command, however, was placed on DEFCON 2, meaning they were prepared for war. Never before had we reached the stage of DEFCON 2. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara put it best when he said, “We are staring down the gun barrel of nuclear war.”
The ExComm was meeting daily, sometimes twice a day, and the president was in and out of the Situation Room for immediate updates. Mrs. Kennedy was calm, but extremely concerned, and she remained close to the children at all times. She stayed mostly in the private quarters so that she could be available whenever the president needed her.
At the same time, the Secret Service was on heightened alert for whatever might happen. We were braced for an evacuation of key personnel by helicopter and knew exactly who would go in which helicopters. We all knew that in the event that a nuclear attack was imminent, there would be people scrambling to get on the helicopters. If people tried to get on who were not authorized, as a last resort we would have no choice but to shoot them. It was a sickening thought, but this was the reality of the situation we faced.
The following Friday, October 26, there seemed to be a breather in the negotiations. Word came that Khrushchev had agreed to keep his ships out of the quarantine zone for forty-eight hours. That morning, Mrs. Kennedy called me in my office and said, “Mr. Hill, I’m going to go to Glen Ora with Caroline and John. The president will be joining us tomorrow.”
“Okay, Mrs. Kennedy,” I said. “I’ll make the arrangements. I think some time in Glen Ora would be very beneficial to you right now.”
I tried to put Mrs. Kennedy at ease, but I knew that there would be no relaxing for the Secret Service agents. We had to remain vigilant, fully expecting that at any moment the word would come for us to evacuate immediately.
As it turned out, the president didn’t come to Glen Ora on Saturday, and I was about as tense as I’d ever been. All of us were. You didn’t want to think about what might happen, but you had to go over every possible scenario in your mind to be prepared. It was excruciating.
On Sunday morning, after a sleepless night, we got word that the president was coming to Glen Ora. When he got off the helicopter with a smile on his face, I knew that everything was going to be all right.
Khrushchev had agreed to dismantle the missiles in Cuba, and the Russian ships carrying nuclear materials had turned around. President Kennedy had redeemed himself after the Bay of Pigs disaster, and was in high spirits. But most important, he had won Khrushchev’s respect, and the two of them had averted nuclear war.
I thought to myself,
16
Around the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis, there was another crisis that Mrs. Kennedy had to deal with on a personal level.
“Mr. Hill,” she said, “I just got word that Mrs. Tartiere is not going to renew our lease for Glen Ora, and she wants to move back in as soon as possible.”
She was visibly upset and I could understand why. Middleburg was the one place she really felt comfortable and could completely relax.
“Oh, I’m sorry to hear that, Mrs. Kennedy. I know how much you enjoy being here.”
“Yes, this really came as a surprise and I just don’t know what to do. I love this area so much. I so enjoy being able to ride with the hunts, and it’s such a wonderful place for the children, and for the president to come and relax.”
“Well, you know Camp David is always available for you. I know it doesn’t have the ambience of Middleburg, but it certainly affords you privacy.”
“Yes, I know we have Camp David,” she said. Then she got that look on her face, that sort of mischievous look, as if a bright idea had just popped into her head. Her eyes widened, and she said, “Let’s just see what we can come up with.”
Over the past year and a half, as Mrs. Kennedy and I drove through the Virginia countryside, she had often commented about how much she liked the area and how wonderful it would be to have a place of their own someday. She had in fact looked at some property that was for sale, and I figured this was what she had in mind.
It wasn’t too long after this that we were at Glen Ora for the weekend, when she told me she had found out about some land that she wanted to go look at.
“It’s quite close to Bunny Mellon’s and it’s called Rattlesnake Mountain. Isn’t that a great name?”
“I suppose,” I said, “if you are partial to rattlesnakes in your backyard.”
She laughed and said, “I’ve made arrangements to go look at the property. It’s owned by Hubert Phipps, and
