carry the virtuous Roland’s roasts, others again the virtuous Roland’s side dishes. “What do you want?” the virtuous Roland’s valet asks the deputation.

“We want to speak with the virtuous Roland.”

The valet goes to take the message to the virtuous Roland, who comes out, looking sulky, his mouth full, with a napkin over his arm. “The republic must surely be in danger,” says he, “for me to be obliged to leave my dinner like this.” … Louvet with his papier-mache face and hollow eyes was casting lascivious glances at the virtuous Roland’s wife. One of the deputation tries to pass though the pantry without a light, and overturns the virtuous Roland’s dessert. At the news of the loss of the dessert, the virtuous Roland’s wife tears her false hair with rage.

“Hebert is getting very silly,” Lucile said. “When I think of those notorious turnips that were served to Georges-Jacques!” She passed the newspaper to Camille. “Will the sansculottes believe this?”

“Oh yes. They believe every word. They don’t know that Hebert keeps a carriage. They think he is Pere Duchesne, that he smokes a pipe and makes furnaces.”

“Can no one enlighten them?”

“Hebert and I are supposed to be allies. Colleagues.” He shakes his head. He does not mention his afternoon with Marat. Mostly, he would not like his wife to know what is going on in his head.

“So you must go?” Maurice Duplay said.

“What can I do? She is my sister, she feels that we should have a home of our own.”

“But this is your home.”

“Charlotte doesn’t understand that.”

“Mark my words, he’ll be back,” says Mme. Duplay.

Condorcet, the Girondist, on Robespierre:

One wonders why there are so many women who follow Robespierre. It is because the French Revolution is a religion, and Robespierre is a priest. It is obvious that his power is all on the distaff side. Robespierre preaches, Robespierre censures … He lives on nothing and has no physical needs. He has only one mission—to talk—and he talks almost all the time. He harangues the Jacobins when he can attract some disciples there, he keeps quiet when he might damage his authority … . He has given himself a reputation for austerity that borders on saintliness. He is followed by women and weak people, he soberly receives their adoration and their homage.

ROBESPIERRE: We’ve had two revolutions now. In ’89 and last August. It doesn’t seem to have made much difference to people’s lives.

DANTON: Roland and Brissot and Vergniaud are aristocrats.

ROBESPIERRE: Well—

DANTON: In the new sense of the word, I mean. Revolution is a great battlefield of semantics.

ROBESPIERRE: Perhaps we need another revolution.

DANTON: Not to pussyfoot about.

ROBESPIERRE: Quite.

DANTON: But with your well-known views, your scruples about taking life …?

ROBESPIERRE [without much hope]: Cannot change be profound without being violent?

DANTON: I can’t see my way to it.

ROBESPIERRE: Innocent people suffer. But then perhaps there are no innocent people. Possibly it’s just a cliche. It rolls off the tongue.

DANTON: What about all these conspirators?

ROBESPIERRE: They are the ones who should be suffering.

DANTON: How do you tell a conspirator?

ROBESPIERRE: Put them on trial.

DANTON: What if you know they’re conspirators, but you haven’t enough evidence to convict them? What if you as a patriot just know?

ROBESPIERRE: You ought to be able to make it stand up in court.

DANTON: Suppose you can’t? You might not be able to use your strongest evidence. It might be state secrets.

ROBESPIERRE: You’d have to let them go, in that case. But it would be unfortunate.

DANTON: It would, wouldn’t it? If the Austrians were at the gates? And you were delivering the city over to them out of respect for the judicial process?

ROBESPIERRE: Well, I suppose you’d … you’d have to alter the standard of proof in court. Or widen the definition of conspiracy.

DANTON: You would, would you?

ROBESPIERRE: Would that be an example of a lesser evil averting a greater one? I am not usually taken in by this simple, very comforting, very infantile notion—but I know that a successful conspiracy against the French people could lead to genocide.

DANTON: Perverting justice is a very great evil in itself. It leaves no hope of amendment.

ROBESPIERRE: Look, Danton, I don’t know, I’m not a theorist.

DANTON: I know that. You’re a practitioner. I know all about the sneaky little slaughters you try to fix up behind my back.

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