other combinations.”
The Kaiser’s endorsement of this position was significantly reinforced by the reports he was getting from his elderly Ambassador in St. Petersburg, Count Pourtales. Pourtales, the dean of the St. Petersburg diplomatic corps, had spent seven years in his post. He was enormously fond of Russia. But he knew that, in July 1914, a million and a half Russian workers were out on strike; he had seen with his own eyes the barricades erected in the streets of the capital. Citing these factors, he repeatedly assured his sovereign that Russia could not go to war. On July 28, Pourtales lunched at the British Embassy with his British colleague, Sir George Buchanan. Over cigars, Pourtales expressed his views on Russia’s weakness, declaring that he was regularly forwarding these views to Berlin. Appalled, Buchanan grasped his guest by the shoulders and said, “Count Pourtales, Russia means it.” Nevertheless, as late as July 31, the Kaiser was speaking confidently of the “mood of a sick Tom-cat” which, his Ambassador had assured him, infected the Russian court and army.
To the end, William expected to bluff his way. On July 28, back from his cruise, he saw the abject Serb reply to Austria’s ultimatum. His expectations seemed brilliantly confirmed. “A capitulation of the most humiliating character,” he exulted. “Now that Serbia has given in, all grounds for war have disappeared.” When, that same night, Austria declared war on Serbia, William was astonished and frustrated. Nevertheless, the war was still only an affair in the Balkans. Unless Russia moved, Germany need not become involved. With this in mind, William personally telegraphed the Tsar:
It is with the gravest concern that I hear of the impression which the action of Austria against Serbia is creating in your country. The unscrupulous agitation that has been going on in Serbia for years has resulted in the outrageous crime to which Archduke Franz Ferdinand fell victim. You will doubtless agree with me that we both, you and I, have a common interest, as well as all Sovereigns, to insist that all the persons morally responsible for this dastardly murder should receive their deserved punishment. In this, politics play no part at all.
On the other hand, I fully understand how difficult it is for you and your government to face the drift of public opinion. Therefore, with regard to the hearty and tender friendship which binds us both from long ago with firm ties, I am exerting my utmost influence to induce the Austrians to deal straightly to arrive at a satisfactory understanding with you. I confidently hope you will help me in my efforts to smooth over difficulties that may still arise. Your very sincere and devoted friend and cousin.
Willy
The Kaiser’s telegram crossed a message to him from the Tsar:
Am glad you are back. In this most serious moment I appeal to you to help me. An ignoble war has been declared on a weak country. The indignation in Russia, shared fully by me, is enormous. I foresee that very soon I shall be overwhelmed by pressure brought upon me, and forced to take extreme measures which will lead to war. To try and avoid such a calamity as a European war, I beg you in the name of our old friendship to do what you can to stop your allies from going too far.
Nicky
The “pressure” on Nicholas to which he referred in his telegram came from the Russian General Staff, which was insisting on full mobilization. Sazonov, once he had heard that the Austrians were firing on Belgrade, had abandoned his protests and endorsed the generals’ request.
On the 29th, William replied to the Tsar’s telegram:
It would be quite possible for Russia to remain a spectator of the Austro-Serbian conflict, without involving Europe in the most horrible war she ever witnessed. I think a direct understanding between your government and Vienna possible and desirable and as I already telegraphed you, my government is continuing its exertions to promote it. Of course, military measures on the part of Russia which would be looked upon by Austria as threatening, would precipitate a calamity we both wish to avoid, and jeopardize my position as mediator which I readily accepted on your appeal to my friendship and help.
Willy
Nicholas replied, suggesting that the dispute be sent to the Hague.
I thank you for your conciliatory and friendly telegram, whereas the communications of your Ambassador to my Minister today have been in a very different tone. Please clear up this difference. The Austro-Serbian problem must be submitted to the Hague Conference. I trust to your wisdom and friendship.
Nicholas
On the morning of the 30th, Nicholas wired the Kaiser an explanation of Russia’s partial mobilization:
The military measures which have now come into force were decided five days ago for reasons of defense on account of Austria’s preparations. I hope with all my heart that these measures won’t interfere with your part as mediator which I greatly value. We need your strong pressure on Austria to come to an understanding with us.
Nicky
The Tsar’s telegram announcing that Russia had mobilized against Austria put the Kaiser into a rage. “And these measures are for defense against Austria which is no way attacking him!!! I cannot agree to any more mediation since the Tsar who requested it has at the same time secretly mobilized behind my back.” After reading Nicholas’s plea; “We need your strong pressure on Austria …,” William scribbled: “No, there is no thought of anything of that sort!!!”
On the afternoon of July 30, Sazonov telephoned Tsarskoe Selo to ask for an immediate interview. Nicholas came to the telephone and, suspecting the purpose, reluctantly asked his Foreign Minister to come to the palace at three p.m. When the two men met, Sazonov sadly told his sovereign, “I don’t think Your Majesty can postpone the order for general mobilization.” He added that, in his opinion, general war was unavoidable. Nicholas, pale and speaking in a choked voice, replied, “Think of the responsibility you are advising me to take. Remember, it would mean sending hundreds of thousands of Russian people to their deaths.” Sazonov pointed out that everything had been done to avoid war. Germany and Austria, he declared, were “determined to increase their power by enslaving our natural allies in the Balkans, destroying our influence there, and reducing Russia to a pitiful dependence on the arbitrary will of the Central Powers.” “The Tsar,” Sazonov wrote later, “remained silent and his face showed the traces of a terrible inner struggle. At last, speaking with difficulty, he said, ‘You are right. There is nothing left for us to do but get ready for an attack upon us. Give … my order for [general] mobilization.’ ”
Before news of Russia’s general mobilization reached Berlin, two more telegrams passed between Potsdam and Tsarskoe Selo. First, Nicholas cabled to the Kaiser:
It is technically impossible for me to suspend my military preparations. But as long as conversations with Austria are not broken off, my troops will refrain from taking the offensive anyway, I give you my word of honor on that.
Nicky
William replied:
I have gone to the utmost limits of the possible in my efforts to save peace. It is not I who will bear the responsibility for the terrible disaster which now threatens the civilized world. You and you alone can still avert it. My friendship for you and your empire which my grandfather bequeathed to me on his deathbed is still sacred to me and I have been loyal to Russia when she was in trouble, notably during your last war. Even now, you can still save the peace of Europe by stopping your military measures.
Willy
News of the general mobilization of the huge Russian army caused consternation in Berlin. At midnight on July 31, Count Pourtales appeared in Sazonov’s office with a German ultimatum to Russia to halt her mobilization within twelve hours. At noon the following day, August 1, Russia had not replied, and the Kaiser ordered general mobilization.
Nicholas hurriedly telegraphed to William:
I understand that you are compelled to mobilize but I should like to have the same guarantee from you that I gave you myself—that these measures do not mean war and that we shall continue to negotiate to save the general peace so dear to our hearts. With God’s help our long and tried friendship should be able to prevent bloodshed. I confidently await your reply.
Nicky
Before this message arrived in Berlin, however, coded instructions had been sent by the German government to Count Pourtales in St. Petersburg. He was instructed to declare war on Russia at five p.m. The Count was tardy and it was not until 7:10 p.m. that he appeared ashen-faced before Sazonov. Three times Pourtales asked if Sazonov could not assure him that Russia would cancel its mobilization; three times Sazonov refused. “In that case,
