Assembly of Russian Factory and Mill Workers of St. Petersburg, a labor organization patronized initially by police authorities and led by an Orthodox priest, Father Georgy Gapon. When four members of the Assembly were fired from the giant Putilov Works just before Christmas, the Assembly felt its very existence threatened and decided to resort to the desperate means of an illegal strike. The Putilov Works was struck on the January 16, but by January 20 the entire city of St. Petersburg was paralyzed by the strike. All eleven branches of the Assembly became perpetual meeting places for the strikers. There was much discussion about the workers presenting a petition to Nicholas II, outlining their grievances. At a meeting with some of his lieutenants, Gapon asked if they should not take their petition directly to the tsar himself. The idea was enthusiastically supported and spread like wildfire. When the petition was finished, copies of “The Most Humble and Loyal Address” were sent to important ministers and the tsar. The address was to be delivered at 2 P.M. on Sunday at the Winter Palace Square.
Before the fateful day, the branches of the Assembly held continuous meetings; the petition was read, and workers cried, fell on their knees, and swore to die for their cause. Wound up by the oratory, they were determined to reach the Palace Square. The Minister of the Interior, not realizing the seriousness of the situation, assured Nicholas II that matters were under control and that he was completely confident a show of force would be sufficient to stop the demonstration.
Each branch made its own arrangement to arrive at the Square by 2 P.M. Members of the farthest branch departed in the early morning hours. The largest procession came from the main branch at the Putilov Works, and was led by Gapon. Efforts were made to give it a religious appearance: Religious paraphernalia, icons, and portraits of tsars were carried at the head of the procession. Shortly after eleven o’clock the immense crowd began to move, singing prayers and the national anthem just as church bells were announcing the end of services. The crowd moved along the main thoroughfare toward the Narva Triumphal Arch, where the road across the river was blocked by troops. The commander tried to disperse the crowd with cavalry; then the bugle sounded a warning, followed by a warning volley over the crowd. This seemed only to encourage workers; they closed ranks and, singing louder, began to run at the
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troops. Soldiers lowered their rifles and began shooting at the crowd. Most of the casualties that day occurred during this procession. Similar events unfolded in several other locations. In some areas the crowds were dispersed without the use of firearms; in others, workers were allowed to pass on their own. On one bridge the officer said he could not let them cross but did not stop workers from crossing on the ice below the bridge.
Despite the shootings, many workers reached the Square, where the Guards barred their way. In the crowd were many survivors of earlier shootings; many were wounded, but all anxiously awaited the appointed hour. The hour came and nothing happened. As the demonstrators were becoming unruly, the commander of the Guards decided to disperse them. A volley was fired near Alexander Garden. The crowd was pushed onto Nevsky Prospect, where some officials in uniforms and policemen were attacked. Troops tried to clear the area, and more shots were fired.
In Russia and abroad, there was universal revulsion at the shooting of peaceful demonstrators. The authorities themselves were shocked; nobody had wanted what happened. The press reported thousands killed, but the official count eventually listed 130 killed, including a policeman. Bloody Sunday, as it became known, began the Revolution of 1905. See also: GAPON, GEORGY APOLLONOVICH; REVOLUTION OF 1905
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ascher, Abraham. (1988). “Gapon and Bloody Sunday.” In his Revolution of 1905, vol. 1. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Sablinsky, Walter. (1976). The Road to Bloody Sunday: Father Gapon and the St. Petersburg Massacre of 1905. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
brikov, chief of staff of the St. Petersburg military district, was appointed governor general of the Grand Duchy of Finland in August 1898 to bring about closer integration of the separate Finnish army with the Russian armed forces. The new Conscription Act, drafted by the Russian General Staff, not only aroused strong protests in Finland but even failed to receive the sanction of the Russian State Council in 1901. Bobrikov then appealed directly to Nicholas II who ordered, according to Bobrikov’s wishes, the total abolition of the Finnish army. Immediately after assuming his duties, the strongly nationalist Bobrikov also changed some Finnish symbols and procedural matters that in his view boosted the “false idea of the separateness of the borderland.” In the same vein, Bobrikov made the Finnish Senate and the central administration adopt the Russian language. He also initiated both the abolition of the Finnish tariff and monetary institutions and the governmental supervision of the university. Furthermore, he envisioned but did not accomplish the spreading of the Russian language to local administration, the thorough inspection of the textbooks used in Finnish schools, and the introduction of the autocratic system in Finland. Bobrikov faced opposition in Finland in the form of demonstration and strikes, but he largely succeeded in splitting the opposition by skillfully manipulating it, imposing strict censorship, and strongly curtailing the right of free speech and assembly. To combat emerging activist groups, Bobrikov sought and achieved dictatorial rights in 1903. By that time his original supporters, Minister of War Alexei Kuropatkin and the Minister of the Interior Vyacheslav Plehve, had already shown some weariness of the harsh methods Bobrikov invariably used when dealing with the Finns. Finnish activists had made plans to assassinate Bobrikov but were preempted by an individual malcontent on June 16,1904. See also: FINLAND; NATIONALITIES POLICIES, TSARIST; RUSSIFICATION
BOBRIKOV, NIKOLAI IVANOVICH
(1839-1904) governor general of the Grand Duchy of Finland and Russian nationalist.
Nikolai Ivanovich Bobrikov has left a lasting imprint on the collective memory of the Finns as the personification of the oppressive Russification policies toward national minorities. Originally BoBIBLIOGRAPHY Polvinen, Tuomo. (1995). Imperial Borderland: Bobrikov and the Attempted Russification of Finland, 1898-1904. London: Hurst amp; Company.
See ANDREI YAROSLAVICH.
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(c. 1565-1608), outstanding rebel military leader during Russia’s Time of Troubles.
Ivan Bolotnikov led the so-called Bolotnikov rebellion (1606-1607) against Tsar Vasily Shuisky. That rebellion was the largest and most powerful uprising in Russian history prior to the twentieth century and has often been compared to the rebellions led by Stepan Razin and Emelian Pugachev. For several generations, scholars erroneously claimed that the Bolotnikov rebellion was a social revolution against serfdom led by a radical former slave, Ivan Bolotnikov. In fact, the rebellion was not a social revolution; serfs did not actively participate in it, and rebel goals never included the abolition of serfdom. Instead, Bolotnikov led rebel forces loyal to Tsar Dmitry against the usurper Tsar Vasily Shuisky. Wrongly believing that Dmitry had escaped Shuisky’s assassins, the rebels essentially renewed the civil war that had brought Tsar Dmitry to power. Bolotnikov’s forces came from all social classes, and the uprising against Shuisky quickly spread from southwestern Russia to cover half the country.
Little is known about Bolotnikov. In the late sixteenth century, he apparently served the tsar as a cavalryman but fell on hard times and indentured himself to a rich aristocrat as an elite military slave. He later fled to the southern frontier and joined the Volga or Don cossacks. Bolotnikov was eventually captured by Crimean Tatars and sold into slavery; he spent several years working on a Turkish ship before Germans liberated him. On his way back to Russia, he passed through Poland, where he heard about Shuisky’s coup d’?tat. Bolotnikov made his way to Sambor (home of Marina Mniszech), where a man claiming to be Tsar Dmitry interviewed him. “Tsar Dmitry” (Mikhail Molchanov) appointed Bolotnikov commander-in-chief of all rebel forces struggling against Shuisky.
Sometime during the summer of 1606, Bolot-nikov arrived in Putivl (headquarters of the rebellion in Tsar Dmitry’s name), took command of a rebel army, and began marching toward Moscow. He defeated Shuisky’s rapidly retreating forces, and town after town welcomed Bolotnikov as a hero. During the siege of Moscow (late fall 1606),
