to belong, but many felt they needed to join in order to advance professionally and politically. The Komsomol’s irrelevance to a changing Soviet Union was even more evident during the transition to Mikhail Gorbachev’s presidency. The Communist Youth League lost millions of members per year (1.5 million in 1986, 2.5 million in 1987) and disbanded itself at a final Komsomol Congress in September 1991. See also: COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION; EDUCATION
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fisher, Ralph. (1959). Pattern for Soviet Youth: A Study of the Congresses of the Komsomol, 1918-1954. New York: Columbia University Press. Gorsuch, Anne E. (2000). Youth in Revolutionary Russia: Enthusiasts, Bohemians, Delinquents. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Pilkington, Hilary. (1994). Russia’s Youth and Its Culture: A Nation’s Constructors and Constructed. New York and London: Routledge. Tirado, Isabel. (1988). Young Guard! The Communist Youth League, Petrograd, 1917-1920. New York: Greenwood.
The Congress of People’s Deputies was a legislative structure introduced in the Soviet Union by CPSU
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(Communist Party of the Soviet Union) general secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Its purpose was to expand elective representation in policy debate and decision making, while leaving final power at the disposal of the top party leadership. The USSR Congress of People’s Deputies lasted only from 1989 until 1991. It nevertheless marked an important step in the opening of the Soviet system to competitive electoral politics. A Congress of People’s Deputies for the Russian Republic (RSFSR) was also established, but it lasted only from 1990 to 1993.
Under Gorbachev’s model, the new USSR Congress of People’s Deputies replaced the USSR Supreme Soviet. The old Supreme Soviet had 1,500 deputies, 750 elected in ordinary territorial districts based on equal population, and 750 elected in “national-territorial” districts representing the ethnic territorial subdivisions of the country. To these the new congress added another 750 deputies elected directly from existing recognized “public organizations” such as the CPSU, the trade unions, and the Academy of Sciences, with quotas set for each organization.
The congress elected a smaller full-time Supreme Soviet from among its 2,250 members. This inner parliament had 542 members divided into two chambers of equal size and functioned like a democratic parliament, debating and voting on laws. Most of its organizational and agenda decisions were made, however, by its Presidium. The Presidium structure was a carryover from the old regime, where it had effectively controlled the Supreme Soviet through its large full-time staff. The Presidium and its chair continued to direct the congress and Supreme Soviet into the Gorbachev period as well.
The March 1989 elections to the USSR Congress of People’s Deputies proved to be a turning point in the Gorbachev era. The elections stimulated a surge of popular participation in politics, often directed against the Soviet regime itself. Many senior Communist Party officials who ran for election as deputies were defeated. The elections brought a new wave of democratic and nationalist political leaders into politics. Boris Yeltsin, for example, won a landslide victory from an at-large seat in Moscow. When the First Congress convened in May 1989, the televised proceedings, featuring stirring speeches by famous personalities such as Andrei Sakharov, riveted the public. Soon it became clear that the congress was too large and unstructured to be an effective forum for decision making, but it did give a platform to many politicians and ideas. Moreover, the Supreme Soviet that it elected enacted some significant legislation on such topics as freedom of religion and the press, judicial reform, and local government. A system of competitive political caucuses emerged.
The Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) Congress of People’s Deputies formed in 1990. Like the USSR congress, the RSFSR congress elected a Supreme Soviet to serve as a full-time parliament. Yeltsin was initially elected as chair, but left parliament when he was elected president of RSFSR a year later. An intense power struggle between president and parliament followed. Ultimately, in September and October 1993, Yeltsin forcibly dissolved the congress and Supreme Soviet. The new constitution approved by national referendum in December 1993 replaced the congress and Supreme Soviet with a bicameral Federal Assembly. See also: COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION; GORBACHEV, MIKHAIL SERGEYEVICH; PRESIDIUM OF SUPREME SOVIET
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Remington, Thomas F. (1991). “Parliamentary Government in the USSR.” In Perestroika-Era Politics: The New Soviet Legislature and Gorbachev’s Political Reforms, ed. Robert T. Huber and Donald R. Kelley. Ar-monk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Remington, Thomas F. (1996). “M?nage a Trois: The End of Soviet Parliamentarism.” In Democratization in Russia: The Development of Legislative Institutions, ed. Jeffrey W. Hahn. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Remington, Thomas F. (2001). The Russian Parliament: The Evolution of Institutions in a Transitional Regime, 1989-1999. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
The Congress of Russian Communities (Kongress Russkikh Obshchin, or KRO), an offshoot of the Union for the Rebirth of Russia, was founded in 1993 by Dmitry Rogozin as the International Congress of Russian Communities for the representation of Russian and Russian-speaking residents of the “nearby foreign lands.” It brought together Russian communities and sociopolitical organizations in the national republics of the Russian Federation and in the former republics of the USSR. In the fall of 1994 the Russian KRO was founded for participation in state Duma elections. Later, in January 1995, the electoral bloc of the KRO was
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renamed the sociopolitical movement Congress of Russian Communities. Yuri Skokov was elected chair of the National Council. A former secretary of the Security Council (1992-1993), he had once been close to Yeltsin, but fell out with him later. Dmitry Rogozin was elected chair of the Executive Committee. KRO leaders included such famous figures as Stanislav Govorukhin, Yegor Stroyev, Nikita Moiseyev, Viktor Ilyukhin, Sergei Glaziev, and Konstantin Zatulin.
In the 1995 Duma elections, the KRO, enticing the disgraced and highly popular general Alexander Lebed into the second place on its list of candidates (Skokov was first, and Glaziev third), won 3 million votes and almost reached the required threshold to gain a seat (4.3 percent). The KRO program, a mix of statism and patriotic values, impressed many, but its figurehead was not a brave general, rather an unknown apparatchik. Of the ninety candidates proposed by the KRO in single-mandate districts, only five were elected into the Duma, including Lebed and three candidates of Chelyabinsk Oblast, where the KRO collaborated with the Movement for the Rebirth of the Urals and the former governor Petr Sumin. Later, in 1997, Rogozin, now the sole head of the KRO, entered the Duma by-elections with the slogan “We are Russians! God is with us!” His platform included “the fusion of immemorial Russian values with the attainment of advanced technology”; “a federal, lawful, democratic government”; and a “highly effective and socially oriented market economy.” At the beginning of the 1999 Duma electoral campaigns, along with a few little-known political movements, the KRO constituted the organizational basis for Yuri Luzhkov’s Fatherland movement. As the latter gained influence, the KRO and its leader were edged out of key positions, and they left Fatherland in the summer of 1999. As a result, the KRO entered the elections along with the movement of Yuri Boldyrev and suffered a fiasco, winning only 400,000 votes (0.6 percent). Rogozin was re-elected by his majority district, entered the pro-government People’s Deputy group, and headed the Duma committee on international affairs.
An extraordinary session of the KRO elected Glaziev chair; he was at the time cochair of the National Patriotic Front of Russia (NPSR). It was announced that the KRO would not participate in upcoming Duma elections, so as not to promote the “further division” of patriotic forces, but was willing to “act as an organizer of a patriotic coalition.” See also: LEBED, ALEXANDER IVANOVICH
BIBLIOGRAPHY
McFaul, Michael. (2001). Russia’s Unfinished Revolution: Political Change from Gorbachev to Putin. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University. McFaul, Michael, and Markov, Sergei. (1993). The Troubled Birth of Russian Democracy:
