European Economic Community. COMECON continued planning various integration and coordination efforts through the 1970s and 1980s. In 1985-1986 these efforts culminated in the Comprehensive Program for Scientific and Technical Progress to the Year 2000. With the loss of Soviet control over its East European trading partners, COMECON tried to survive as a purely coordinating body but was finally formally disbanded in June 1991.
COMECON’s impact on Russia was largely economic. Russia was the largest republic among the Soviet Union’s fifteen republics. The Soviet Union was the dominant member of COMECON. The strategic purpose of COMECON was to tie Eastern Europe economically to the Soviet Union. COMECON trade became largely bilateral with the Soviet Union, mostly Russia, supplying raw materials, noCOUNCIL OF MINISTERS, SOVIET tably oil, to Eastern Europe in return for manufactured goods, notably machinery and equipment. This is the opposite of the trade flow between historically dominant countries and their colonies and dependents. The historical norm is for raw materials to flow from the colonies and dependents to the dominant center, which exports advanced manufactures and services in return. The comparative advantage for Russia within COMECON was, however, as a raw material and fuel exporter. Russia’s loss was that it received in return shoddy and obsolescent COMECON machinery and equipment rather than Western machinery with Western technology embedded in it. The Comprehensive Program for Scientific and Technical Progress to the Year 2000 was only one effort to remedy this problem. Russia also lost out on its potential gains from OPEC’s increase in the price of oil beginning in 1973.
COMECON trade was conducted in “transferable rubles,” basically a bookkeeping unit good only to buy imports from other COMECON partners. However, most purchases and their prices were bilaterally negotiated between the COMECON trade partners. So, the real value of a country’s transferable ruble balance was indeterminate. Russian oil was sold by the Soviet Union to COMECON partners for transferable rubles. OPEC dramatically increased the dollar value of oil exports beginning in 1973. In 1975 COMECON agreed that the transferable ruble price of oil be indexed to the global dollar price, specifically the moving average for the past three years in 1975 and the past five years for every year thereafter. Thus, the prices of Soviet oil exports to COMECON lagged the global price rises through the late 1970s. Only when global oil prices dropped in the early 1980s did the transferable ruble price of Soviet oil catch up. Overall, the Soviet Union paid for its East European “empire” by selling its raw inputs, especially oil, for less than world market prices and by receiving less technologically advanced manufactured goods in return. Much of this cost was borne by Russia. See also: ELECTRICITY GRID; EMPIRE, USSR AS; FOREIGN TRADE
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brabant, Jozef M. van. (1980). Socialist Economic Integration: Aspects of Contemporary Economic Problems in Eastern Europe. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Marrese, Michael, and Vanous, Jan. (1983). Soviet Subsidization of Trade with Eastern Europe: A Soviet Perspective. Berkeley, CA: Institute of International Studies, University of California. Metcalf, Lee Kendall. (1997). The Council of Mutual Economic Assistance: The Failure of Reform. New York: Columbia University Press. Zwass, Adam. (1989). The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance: The Thorny Path from Political to Economic Integration. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe.
COUNCIL OF MINISTERS, IMPERIAL See CABINET OF MINISTERS, IMPERIAL.
In 1946, Sovnarkom-Sovet Ministrov, the government of the USSR-was renamed the Council of Ministers to bring the USSR into line with practice in other great powers. Josef Stalin remained as chairperson until 1953. He was followed by Georgy Malenkov until 1955; then Nikolai Bulganin until 1958; Nikita Khrushchev, from 1958 to 1964; Alexei Kosygin, 1964-1980; Nikolai Tikhonov, 1980-1985; and Nikolai Ryzhkov, 1985-1990. Membership of the Council of Ministers consisted of the chairperson, first deputy chairperson, deputy chairpersons, ministers of the USSR and chairpersons of State Committees of the USSR. Chairpersons of Councils of Ministers of Union republics were ex officio members of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. Under the 1977 constitution membership could also include “the heads of other organs and organizations of the USSR.” This allowed the chairperson of the Central Council of Trade Unions or the first secretary of the Communist Youth League (Komsomol) to serve on the Council of Ministers. The first Council of Ministers formed under this constitution comprised 109 members.
Ministries and State Committees, as with the commissariats in Sovnarkom, were of two varieties: “union- republican,” which functioned through parallel apparatuses in identically named republican ministries, and “all- union,” which worked by direct control of institutions in the republics or through organs in the republics directly subordinate to the USSR minister. Groups of related ministries were supervised by senior Party leaders serving as deputy chairpersons of the Council of Ministers. In the early postwar years the tendency toward subdivision of
COUNTERREFORMS
ministries, apparent in Sovnarkom during the 1930s, continued until 1948, but it was then followed by a period of amalgamation until 1949, and more modest expansion until 1953. Immediately after Stalin’s death membership of the Council of Ministers was reduced from eighty-six to fifty-five, groups of economic ministries being amalgamated, but this was only temporary, and by the end of 1954 membership had increased again to seventy-six and continued to increase more slowly from that time.
Theoretically responsible and accountable to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, with membership supposedly decided by that institution, but in reality by the Politburo, the Council of Ministers was empowered to deal with all matters of state administration of the USSR outside the competence of the Supreme Soviet, issuing decrees and ordinances and verifying their execution. According to the 1936 and 1977 Constitutions, the Council of Ministers was responsible for direction of the national economy and economic development; social and cultural development, including science and technology; the state budget; planning; defense, state security; general direction of the armed forces; foreign policy; foreign trade and economic; and cultural and scientific cooperation with foreign countries.
By a law of 1978, meetings of the Council of Ministers were to be convened every three months and sessions of its Presidium “regularly (when the need arises).” This institution, created in 1953, consisting of the chairperson, first deputy chairperson and deputy chairpersons of the Council of Ministers, functioned only intermittently until 1978. Often described in Western literature as an “inner cabinet,” it then became primarily responsible for the directions of economic affairs. See also: BULGANIN, NIKOLAI ALEXANDROVICH; BUREAUCRACY, ECONOMIC; KHRUSHCHEV, NIKITA SERGEY-VICH; KOSYGIN, ALEXEI NIKOLAYEVICH; SOVNARKOM; STALIN, JOSEF VISSARIONOVICH; STATE COMMITTEES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Unger, Aryeh. (1981). Constitutional Development in the USSR: A Guide to the Soviet Constitutions. London: Methuen.
COUNCIL OF PEOPLE’S COMMISSARS See
The Counterreforms of the 1880s and 1890s refer to the body of domestic policies adopted under Tsar Alexander III as an ideological response and reaction to the transformations of the earlier Great Reforms undertaken by so-called “enlightened” bureaucrats with the tacit approval of the assassinated Tsar Alexander II. They were also a response to radicalism growing out of the reform milieu. The conservatives believed the Empire was threatened. Whereas the Great Reforms of the period 1855-1881 in the broadest sense intended to renovate the body politic and instill new principles of self-government, rule of law, citizenship, and even to introduce at the very end a veiled form of elite representation in the legislative process, the coun-terreforms of the new Tsar and his conservative advisers within and outside the bureaucracy aimed to reverse such changes and to reassert traditional autocracy and nationhood and the more manageable and corporatist society organized by legal estates. Immediately after Alexander II’s assassination in March 1881, the new government moved quickly to remove Loris-Melikov and remaining reformers from the government. On April 29, 1881, the Tsar declared that Russia would always remain an autocracy. The reform era was over.
The counterreforms were ushered in by the laws on state order and the pacification of society of August 14, 1881. These laws, sponsored by Minister of Internal Affairs, N. P. Ignat’ev, provided for two types of martial law (condition of safeguard and extraordinary safeguard) that gave the police and administration enhanced powers
