the beginning of pere-stroika. It was established in May 1988 on the basis of the seminar “Democracy and Humanism,” which began in the summer of 1987. The Democratic Union’s nonconformism distinguishes it from democratic parties that appeared later. Political tendencies that initially coexisted in the DS alongside the liberal- such as social democratic or Eurocom-munist tendencies-gradually broke off. Under the strain of numerous ideological and personal disagreements, the DS went through numerous splits. Where internal conflict arose between radical and more moderate elements, the radical always gained the upper hand.
The Democratic Union’s political activity consisted mainly of conducting unsanctioned meetings and making sensational announcements. In the words of DS leader Valeria Novgorodskaya (chair of the central coordinating council from 1996), DS activists were “genuine Bolsheviks, albeit with an anticommunist leaning.” In December 1992, on the initiative of Novgorodskaya and N. Zlotkin, the party “Democratic Union of Russia” (DSR) was established, declaring itself a constituent of the DS. In the spring of 1993, the DSR supported Boris Yeltsin in the conflict with the Congress of People’s Deputies, regarding him as a “fighter against Soviet power,” and broke sharply with the DS, which continued to view the president and government as heirs of the Communist regime. Novgorodskaya’s group was excluded from the Moscow DS organization, and from that point on, the DS and DSR existed separately. After troops were brought into Chechnya in 1994, the DSR moved into extreme opposition to the government, idealizing the Chechen side in the meantime. In 1996, the DSR first called for a repeal of the presidential elections, in order to avoid a situation in which “the formal observation of democratic procedures leads to the liquidation of democracy,” then it supported the candidacy of Grigory Yavlinsky after Yeltsin’s second term. During the Yugoslav crisis, the DS unequivocally sided with the U.S. and NATO and announced that it would send a detachment of volunteers to the Balkans as aid to NATO, headed by Novgorod-skaya.
DEMOCRATIZATION
Officially the DSR never registered as a party, first because of identification with “opposition from outside the system,” then because of low numbers and lack of organizational structures in the provinces. In 1993 Novgorodskaya entered the ballot in a single-mandate district as a candidate from the bloc Russia’s Choice; in 1995 on the list of the Party of Economic Freedom, which a significant portion of the DSR entered in order to receive official status. In the 1999 elections, the DS joined with “A Just Cause,” but with the registration of the latter, left for the Union of Right Forces (SPS). In the 2000 presidential elections, the DS supported Konstantin Titov. Since then, the DS’s only appearances in the news have been thanks to Nov-gorodskaya’s activity and high profile. See also: PERESTROIKA; POLITICAL PARTY SYSTEM
BIBLIOGRAPHY
McFaul, Michael. (2001). Russia’s Unfinished Revolution: Political Change from Gorbachev to Putin. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. McFaul, Michael, and Markov, Sergei. (1993). The Troubled Birth of Russian Democracy: Parties, Personalities, and Programs. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press. Reddaway, Peter, and Glinski, Dmitri. (2001). The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms: Market Bolshevism against Democ-racry. Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace Press.
DEMOCRATIZATION
While modern times have seen more than one, however partial, attempt to democratize Russia, democratization in the narrow sense refers to policies pursued by Mikhail Gorbachev and his closest associates, roughly from 1987 to 1991.
The language of democratization was widely employed within a one-party context by Gorbachev’s predecessors, most notably by Nikita Khrushchev. Yet their interpretations of demokrati-zatsiya and democratizm diverged fundamentally from universal definitions of democracy. “Soviet democratization” implied increased public discussions, mostly on economic and cultural issues; increased engagement of Communist Party (CPSU) leaders with ordinary people; and some liberalization, namely, expansion of individual freedoms and relaxation of censorship. However, electoral contestation for power among different political forces was out of the question. The openly stated goals of democratization Soviet-style included reestablishing feedback mechanisms between the leadership and the masses over the head of the bureaucracy; encouraging public pressure to improve the latter’s performance; and improving the psychological and moral climate in the country, including confidence in the CPSU leadership, with expectations of a resulting increase in labor productivity. Additional, unspoken goals ranged from strengthening a new leader’s position, through public discussion and support, vis-?-vis conservative elements, to promoting Moscow’s international image and its standing vis-?-vis the West.
Gorbachev’s initial steps followed this pattern, relying, at times explicitly, upon the legacy and experience of Khrushchev’s thaw; the official slogan of the time promised “more democracy, more socialism.” Soon, however, Gorbachev pushed democratization toward full-scale electoral democracy. The reforms sparked demands for ideological pluralism and ethnic autonomy. As the momentum of reform slipped from under his control, Gorbachev’s own policies were increasingly driven by improvisation rather than long-term planning. Emerging nonparty actors- human rights organizations, independent labor unions, nationalist movements, entrepreneurs, criminal syndicates, proto-parties, and individual strongmen such as Boris Yeltsin- as well as old actors and interest groups, with new electoral and lobbying vehicles at their disposal, introduced their own goals and intentions, often vaguely understood and articulated, at times misrepresented to the public, into Gorbachev’s original design of controlled democratization.
Preliminary steps toward electoral democracy at the local level were taken in the wake of the CPSU Central Committee plenum of January 1987 that shifted perestroika’s emphasis from economic acceleration to political reform. A subsequent Politburo decision, codified by republican Supreme Soviets, introduced experimental competitive elections to the soviets in multi-member districts. They were held in June 1987 in 162 selected districts; on average, five candidates ran for four vacancies; election losers were designated as reserve deputies, entitled to all rights except voting. Bolder steps toward nationwide electoral democracy-multicandi-date elections throughout the country and unlimited nomination of candidates (all this while preserving the CPSU rule, with the stated intent of
DEMOCRATIZATION
increasing popular confidence in the Party)-were enunciated by Gorbachev at the Nineteenth CPSU Conference in June 1988. The Conference also approved his general proposals for a constitutional change to transfer some real power from the CPSU to the representative bodies.
Seeking to redesign the Union-level institutions, some of Gorbachev’s advisers suggested French-style presidentialism, while others harked back to the radical participatory democracy of the 1917 soviets, when supreme power was vested in the hands of their nationwide congresses. Idealisti-cally minded reformers envisaged this as a return to the unspoiled Leninist roots of the system. Gorbachev initially opted for the latter, in the form of the Congress of People’s Deputies, a 2,250-mem-ber body meeting once (and subsequently twice) per year. Yet only 1,500 of its deputies were directly elected in the districts, while 750 were picked by public organizations (from Komsomol to the Red Cross), including one hundred by the CPSU Central Committee, a precautionary procedure that violated the principle of voters’ equality. The Congress was electing from its ranks a working legislature, the bicameral Supreme Soviet of 542 members (thus bearing the name of the preexisting institution that had been filled by direct however phony elections). The constitutional authority of the latter was designed to approximate that of Western parliaments, having the power to confirm and oversee government members.
The relevant constitutional amendments were adopted in December 1988; the election to the Congress took place in March 1989. This was the first nationwide electoral campaign since 1917, marked-at least in major urban centers and most developed areas of the country-by real competition, non-compulsory public participation, mass volunteerism, and high (some of them, arguably, unrealistic) expectations. Though more than 87 percent of those elected were CPSU members, by now their membership had little to do with their actual political positions. The full ideological spectrum, from nationalist and liberal to the extreme left, could be found among the rank and file of the Party. On the other hand, wide cultural and economic disparities resulted in the extremely uneven impact of democratization across the Union (thus, in 399 of the 1,500 districts only one candidate was running, while in another 952 there were two, but in this case competition was often phony). And conservative elements of the nomenklatura were able to rig and manipulate the elections, in spite of the public denunciations, even in advanced metropolitan areas, Moscow included. Besides, the two-tier representation, in which direct popular vote was only one of the ingredients, was rapidly dele-gitimized by the increasingly radical understanding of democracy as people’s power, spread by the media and embraced by discontented citizenry.
