1827, and the autonomous Jewish community, the kahal, was abolished in 1844. There was an ethnic component of inorodets status, since any inorodets who converted from paganism to Christianity retained all the rights and privileges of an inorodets; Jewish converts to Christianity lost the legal status of “Jew” and the disabilities that it carried. Nonetheless, this bizarre anomaly endured until the demise of the Russian Empire, when the Provisional Government not only granted full equality to the Jews, but also abolished all special legislation for the in-orodtsy. See also: JEWS; NATIONALITIES POLICIES, TSARIST
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Baumann, Robert, F. (1987). “Subject Nationalities in the Military Service of Imperial Russia: The Case of the Bashkirs.” Slavic Review 46:489-502. Baumann, Robert F. (1986). “Universal Military Service Reform and Russia’s Imperial Dilemma.” War and Society 4(2):31-49 Kappeler, Andreas. (2001). The Russian Empire: A Multi- Ethnic History. Harlow, UK: Longman. Klier, John D. (1989). “The Concept of ‘Jewish Emancipation’ in a Russian Context.” In Civil Rights in Imperial Russia, eds. Olga Crisp and Linda Edmondson. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Sokol, Edward Dennis. (1954). The Revolt of 1916 in Russian Central Asia. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press.
Input-output analysis is a methodology for investigating production relations among primary factors, intersectoral flows, final demands, and transfers. Primary and intermediate factors are the “inputs,” and final demands and transfers are the “outputs.” Aggregate input values equal “gross national income” and aggregate output “gross domestic product.” Consequently, input-output is best conceptualized as a map, or flowchart, of in- tersectoral activities that underlie the standard aggregate measures of national income and product. It permits analysts to quantify precisely and assess the matrix of intersectoral relationships, often hidden or overlooked in more aggregative methodologies. Sometimes this serves an informative purpose. For example, Soviet leaders suppressed data on the USSR’s military-industrial production level, and the delivery of weapons to final demand, but this information was contained in its input-output tables, and could be ferreted out by Western scholars and intelligence agencies in principle. Input-output tables also shed light on the internal consistency of Soviet statistics. If these data were a patchwork, either of truths or lies, latent inconsistencies should be visible in the flow relationships.
Soviet economists were concerned with the latter application of the technique, and viewed input-output analysis as a useful adjunct to “materials balance” planning. Gosplan (the state planning agency) constructed its plans from the late 1920s onward on a sector-by-sector basis, taking inadequate account of intersectoral dependencies. Soviet input-output tables, first introduced for 1959, provided a sophisticated check, enabling planners to discern whether adjustments were required in specific instances to their simpler procedures.
The construction of input-output tables is a laborious task that could not be completed swiftly enough to displace material balancing as the method of choice for developing annual and five-year plans. Nonetheless, it did serve as a valuable tool for perspective planning. The great strength of the methodology was its lucid theoretical foundation, which permitted analysts to grasp the hidden assumptions affecting the reliability of their forecasts.
INSTITUTE OF RED PROFESSORS
Wassily Leontiev, Nobel Laureate and the father of input-output analysis, hypothesized that production technologies for practical purposes could be conceived as approximately linear homogeneous functions, with constant returns to scale, and rectangular isoquants, even though he knew that this would not always be true. The working assumption implied that both “socialist” and “capitalist” economies were strongly determined by their technological structure (supply side economics) because factor proportions were fixed and could not be altered by competitive negotiations. Nor did planners and entrepreneurs have to fret about diminishing returns to proportional investment, because a doubling of all inputs would always result in a doubling of output. Some economists contended before the demise of communism that this strong determinism proved that markets were superfluous, but this is no longer fashionable. During the early twenty-first century input-output in post-Soviet Russia serves primarily as a guide to indicative perspective planning, that is, a tool used by policy makers to evaluate various development scenarios. Whereas it once was an adjunct to material balance planning, it became a tool for managing market-based development. See also: GOSPLAN
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Carter, Anne. (1970). Structural Change in the American Economy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Leontief, Wassily. (1951). The Structure of the American Economy 1919-1939, 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press. Miernyk, William. (1965). The Elements of Input-Output Analysis. New York: Random House. Rosefielde, Steven. (1975). The Transformation of the 1966 Soviet Input-Output Table from Producers to Adjusted Factor Cost Values. Washington: G.E. TEMPO. Treml, Vladimir; Gallik, Dimitri; Kostinsky, Barry; and Kruger, Kurt. (1972). The Structure of the Soviet Economy: Analysis and Reconstruction of the 1966 Input-Output Table. New York: Praeger Publishers.
The Institute of Red Professors (Institut Krasnoy pro-fessury, or IKP) was founded by government decree on February 11, 1921, in order to train a new generation of Marxist cadres for careers in education and elsewhere in the Party, state, and scientific establishment. Along with the Communist Academy, the IKP was launched as an alternative to the “bourgeois” Academy of Sciences and universities that the Bolsheviks had inherited from the old regime. Headed between 1918 and 1932 by Mikhail Pokrovsky, the IKP was formally affiliated with the Commissariat of the Enlightenment. In practice it was also subordinate to the party’s Central Committee-specifically, the Politburo, Orgburo, Secretariat, and department of agitation and propaganda.
At its launch the IKP was designed to be an interdisciplinary body. But by 1922 it had been divided into three departments-history, economics, and philosophy-that were augmented in 1924 by a preparatory program for less- qualified students. Four more departments were added in 1928 that concerned party history, law, literature, and the natural sciences. After an abortive merger with the Communist Academy between 1930 and 1931, the IKP was broken up into separate institutes devoted to history, Communist Party history, economics, philosophy, and the natural sciences. These divisions, in turn, were quickly flanked by six more institutes after the IKP assumed responsibility for the Communist Academy’s graduate program in 1931.
Although the IKP was initially designed to be an elite institution of the red intelligentsia, it was transformed in the mid-1920s by repeated reorganizations, the dismissal of former Trotskyites and Mensheviks, and ongoing efforts to proletarianize the IKP community as a whole. Personal ambition and the turbulence of the so-called cultural revolution between 1928 and 1932 further divided the IKP. Although wholly Marxist, the faculty and student body split repeatedly along generational, class, and educational lines during these years. These tensions led faculty and students to seek positions elsewhere, a trend encouraged by the Sovietization of the universities and the Academy of Sciences that was underway at this time. Indeed, the Stalinist co-option of these educational institutions- facilitated by a merciless purge of the old bourgeois professorate-left the IKP without a clear mandate and ultimately led to its closure in 1938.
Over the course of its existence, the IKP was frequented by both party officials and Marxist scholars. Some of the most prominent among them included Vladimir Adoratsky, Andrey Bubnov, Nikolai Bukharin, Abram Deborin, Sergey Dubrovsky,
INSTRUCTION, CATHERINE II
Emilian Yaroslavsky, Bela Kun, Nikolai Lukin, Ana-toly Lunacharsky, Vladimir Nevsky, Mikhail Pokrovsky, Yevgeny Preobrazhensky, Karl Radek, Leon Trotsky, Yevgeny Varga, and Vyacheslav Volgin. IKP graduates who went on to serve in prominent positions in party, state, and scientific institutions included Grigory Alexandrov, Isaak Mints, Mark Mitin, Militsa Nechkina, Anna Pankratova, Boris Ponomarev, Pyotr Pospelov, Nikolai Rubinshtein, Arkady Sidorov, Mikhail Suslov, Pavel Yudin, and Nikolai Voznesensky. See also: ACADEMY OF SCIENCES; COMMUNIST ACADEMY; EDUCATION
David-Fox, Michael. (1997). Revolution of the Mind: Higher Learning Among the Bolsheviks, 1918-1929.
