central mains, canals, and the Neva River. The frigid
LENINGRAD, SIEGE OF
Soviet troops launch a counterattack during the Nazi siege of Leningrad. © HULTON-DEUTSCH COLLECTION/CORBIS winter, however, brought one advantage: Lake Ladoga froze solid enough to become the “Road of Life” over which food was trucked into the city, and some 600,000 emaciated Leningraders were evacuated.
During the spring and summer of 1942, those remaining in Leningrad cleaned up debris and filth from the previous winter, buried corpses, and planted vegetable gardens in practically every open space they could find. A fuel pipeline and electrical cable were laid under Ladoga, and firewood and peat stockpiled in anticipation of a second siege winter. The evacuation over Ladoga continued, and by the end of 1942 the city’s population was pared down to 637,000. Repeated attempts were made in 1942 to lift the siege; yet it was not until January 1943 that the Red Army pierced the blockade by retaking a narrow corridor along Ladoga’s southern coast. A rail line was extended into the city, and the first train arrived from “the mainland” on February 7. Nevertheless, the siege would endure for almost another year as German guns continued to pound Leningrad and its tenuous rail link from close range. On January 27, 1944, the blockade finally ended as German troops retreated all along the Soviet front.
Leningrad’s defense held strategic importance for the Soviet Union. Had the city fallen in the autumn of 1941, Germany could have redeployed larger forces toward Moscow and thereby increased the chances of taking the Soviet capital. Lenin-graders who endured the horrific ordeal were motivated by love of their native city and country, fear of what German occupation might bring, and the intimidating presence of Soviet security forces. In just the first fifteen months of the war, 5,360 Leningraders were executed for a variety of alleged crimes, including political ones.
Relations between Leningrad’s leadership and the Kremlin were tempestuous during the siege ordeal. The city’s isolation gave it a measure of autonomy from Moscow, and the suffering Leningrad endured promoted the growth of a heroic reputation for the city. From 1949 to 1951 many of Leningrad’s political, governmental, industrial, and
LENIN LIBRARY
cultural leaders were fired, and some executed, on orders from the Kremlin during the notorious Leningrad Affair. See also: LENINGRAD AFFAIR; WORLD WAR II
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Glantz, David M. (2002). The Battle for Leningrad, 1941-1944. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press. Goure, Leon. (1962). The Siege of Leningrad. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Petrovskaya Wayne, Kyra. (2000). Shurik: A Story of the Siege of Leningrad. New York: The Lyons Press. Salisbury, Harrison. (1969). The 900 Days: The Siege of Leningrad. New York: Harper amp; Row. Simmons, Cynthia and Perlina, Nina, eds. (2002). Writing the Siege of Leningrad: Women’s Diaries, Memoirs, and Documentary Prose. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press. Skrjabina, Elena. (1971). Siege and Survival: The Odyssey of a Leningrader. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press.
LENIN LIBRARY See RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY.
Lenin’s so-called Political Testament was actually a letter dictated secretly by Vladimir Ilich Lenin in late December 1922, which he intended to discuss at the Twelfth Party Congress in April 1923. The letter was initially known only to Lenin’s wife Nadezhda Krupskaya and the two secretaries who took down its contents. Unfortunately, on March 10, 1923, Lenin suffered a stroke, which put an end to his active role in Soviet politics. It is widely believed that Krupskaya, fearing that its contents might cause further Party disunity, kept the testament under lock and key, until Lenin’s death in January 1924. She then felt it safe enough to be read to delegates at the Thirteenth Congress. All those attending this Congress were sworn to keep the contents of the letter a secret. It was then suppressed in the Soviet Union, and so the document did not appear in English until 1926.
A number of versions are currently in circulation, each of which has been manipulated for political purposes, especially by those who wish to criticize Josef Stalin or show how positively Leon Trotsky was viewed by Lenin. Nevertheless it is clear that Lenin was concerned in the Testament with potential successors and that most of all he favored Trotsky rather than his actual successor Stalin. The Testament of December 29 indicates it clear that Lenin wanted to avoid an irreversible split in the Party and provides a balanced assessment of all prospective candidates. With regard to Trotsky, Lenin notes that “[as] his struggle against the CC [Central Committee] on the question of the People’s Commissariat has already proved, [he] is distinguished not only by outstanding ability. He is personally perhaps the most capable man in the present CC, but he has displayed excessive self-assurance and shown preoccupation with the purely administrative side of the work.” Concerning Stalin, by contrast, Lenin points out that he “is too rude, and this defect, although quite tolerable in our midst and in dealings among us Communists, becomes intolerable in a general secretary. That is why I suggest that the comrades think about a way of removing Stalin from that post and appointing (sic) another man in his stead who in all other respects differs from Comrade Stalin in having only one advantage, namely, that of being more tolerant, more loyal, less capricious, and so forth.” In a postscript dated March 5, 1923, Lenin criticizes Stalin for insulting Lenin’s wife and adds that unless they receive a retraction and apology then “relations between us should be broken off.” In relation to other members of the CC, Lenin points to the October episode in which Zinoviev and Kamenev objected to the idea of an immediate armed insurrection against the Provisional Government and also to Trotsky’s Menshevik past, but he adds that neither should suffer any blame or personal consequence.
Lenin was therefore extremely worried about the degree of power Stalin had attained and thought this was dangerous for the future of the Party and Russia insofar as he was capable of abusing this power. He advocated that Stalin be removed from the post of general secretary. It is generally agreed by historians that Trotsky’s failure to use the Testament was a major political mistake and an error that allowed Stalin to rise to power. But it is also conceded that Trotsky, in agreeing not to use it in this manner, was abiding by Lenin’s wishes to avoid a split. Trotsky therefore put Party unity before his own ambitions. See also: LENIN, VLADIMIR ILICH; STALIN, JOSEF VISSARI-ONOVICH; TROTSKY, LEON DAVIDOVICH
LENIN, VLADIMIR ILICH
Buranov, Yuri. (1994). Lenin’s Will: Falsified and Forbidden. Amherst, NY: Prometheus. Volkogonov, Dmitri. (1994). Lenin: A New Biography. New York: Free Press. Wolfe, Bertram D. (1984). Three Who Made a Revolution: A Biographical History. New York: Stein and Day.
ers consciously manipulated popular sentiment about Lenin for utilitarian political goals. Yet this would not have created such a powerful political symbol if it had not been rooted in the spiritual, philosophical, and political culture of Soviet leaders and the Soviet people. More than a decade after the fall of communism, Lenin’s Tomb continued to stand on Red Square even though there were periodic calls for his burial.
Shortly after the death of Vladimir Ilich Lenin in 1924, and despite the opposition of his wife, Nadezhda Krupskaya, Soviet leaders built a mausoleum on Moscow’s Red Square to display his embalmed body. The architect Alexei V. Shchusev designed two temporary cube-shaped wooden structures and then a permanent red granite pyramidlike building that was completed in 1929. The top of the mausoleum held a tribune from which Soviet leaders addressed the public. This site became the ceremonial center of the Bolshevik state as Stalin and subsequent leaders appeared on the tribune to view parades on November 7, May 1, and other Soviet ceremonial occasions. When Josef V. Stalin died in 1953, his body was placed in the mausoleum next to Lenin’s. In 1961, as Nikita Khrushchev’s attack on Stalin’s cult of personality intensified, Stalin’s body was removed from the mausoleum and buried near the Kremlin wall. Lenin and his tomb, however, remained the quintessential symbols of Soviet legitimacy.
Because of Lenin’s status as unrivaled leader of the Bolshevik Party, and because of Russian traditions of personifying political power, a personality cult glorifying Lenin began to develop even before his death. The Soviet leadership mobilized the legacy of Lenin after 1924 to establish its own legitimacy and gain support for the
