Committee and its Members, 1917-1991. Oxford: Oxford University Press. McNeal, Robert H., ed. (1974). Resolutions and Decisions of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 4 vols. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Meissner, Boris. (1975). The Communist Party of the Soviet Union: Party Leadership, Organization, and Ideology. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Ponomaryov, Boris N., et al. (1960). History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House. Rigby, T. H. (1990). The Changing Soviet System: Mono- Organizational Society from Its Origins to Gorbachev’s Restructuring. Aldershot, UK: E. Elgar. Schapiro, Leonard B. (1960). The Communist Party of the Soviet Union. New York: Random House. Schapiro, Leonard B. (1977). Origin of the Communist Autocracy: Political Opposition in the Soviet State, First Phase, 1917-1922, 2nd ed. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Stalin, Joseph V. (1947). Problems of Leninism. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House.
ROBERT V. DANIELS
others. The list received 3.6 million votes (6.7%, seventh place), mainly in the national republics, and eighteen mandates; four PRES candidates in single-mandate districts were elected. The PRES fraction started out with thirty Duma delegates and ended with twelve, due to disagreement over the Chechnya question as well as interfractional maneuvering. During the 1995 campaign, PRES first joined with Our Home Is Russia (NDR), but then made its own list with Shakhrai at the head and registered twenty-three candidates in the districts. However, Shakhrai’s political stardom was already on the decline, and when he left the State Committee on Federal and Nationalist Issues, he lost his base in the provinces. The list received 246,000 votes (0.4%), and in the majority districts only Shakhrai won, joining with the group Russian Regions. In the 1999 elections, the PRES did not participate independently. Shakhrai, joining with Yuri Luzhkov, was included in the original version of the Fatherland-All Russia (OVR) list, but excluded at the bloc’s congress. In May 2000 the PRES merged into Unity when the latter was restructured from a movement into a party. See also: SHAKHRAI, SERGEI MIKHAILOVICH; UNITY (MEDVED) PARTY
PARTY OF RUSSIAN UNITY AND ACCORD
The Party of Russian Unity and Accord (Partiya Rossiyskogo Yedinstva i Soglasiya, or PRES) was founded for the 1993 elections as a regional variant of the ruling party. Its founder, a visible politician of the early Boris Yeltsin period, deputy prime minister Sergei Shakhrai, was at the time the head of the State Committee on Federal and Nationalist Issues, whose apparatus was used in the provinces as a base for party construction. Even the constituent assembly of the PRES in October 1993 took place not in Moscow but in Novgorod. The party proclaimed as its goal the preservation of Russia’s unity through securing equal rights of the subjects of the Russian Federation. The PRES list at the 1993 elections was headed by Shakhrai; Alexander Shokhin, deputy prime minister and an economist; and Konstantin Zatulin, chair of the association Entrepreneurs for a New Russia. Two federal ministers were included on it as well: Yuri Kalmykov and Gennady Melikian, and also the future public figures Valery Kirpichnikov (minister of regional politics in 1998-1999), Vladimir Tumanov (chair of the Constitutional Court in 1995-1996), and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
McFaul, Michael. (2001). Russia’s Unfinished Revolution: Political Change from Gorbachev to Putin. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University. McFaul, Michael, and Markov, Sergei. (1993). The Troubled Birth of Russian Democracy: Parties, Personalities, and Programs. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press. Reddaway, Peter, and Glinski, Dmitri. (2001). The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms: Market Bolshevism Against Democracy. Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace Press.
For the first time since the revolution, the Soviet regime introduced an internal passport system in December 1932. Most rural residents were not given passports, and peasants acquired the automatic right to a passport only during the 1970s. The OGPU/NKVD (Soviet military intelligence service and secret police), which administered the passport system, initially issued these documents to
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persons over sixteen years of age who lived in towns, workers’ settlements, state farms, and construction sites. They were required to obtain and register their passport with the police, who would then issue the necessary residence permit.
People who did not qualify for a passport were evicted from their apartments and denied the right to live and work within city limits. The categories of people who were denied a passport and urban residence permit included: the disenfranchised, kulaks or the dekulakized, all persons with a criminal record, persons not engaged in socially useful work, and family members of the aforementioned categories. The stated purpose of the new passport system was to relieve the urban population of persons not engaged in socially useful labor, as well as hidden kulak, criminal, and other antisocietal elements.
Some scholars note that the passport law emerged in response to the massive urban migration that followed the 1932 famine. The resulting movement of peasants from the countryside into the cities strained the urban rationing and supply systems. The selective distribution of passports offered a solution to this crisis by restricting urban residency and limiting access to city services and goods. Other scholars emphasize that the passport system was established to manage the urban population. Passports emerged as an instrument of repression and police control. By issuing passports, the state could more precisely identify, order, and purge the urban population. Nonetheless, scholars agree that the system of internal passports and urban residence permits sought to remove unreliable elements from strategic cities, limit the flow of people into these cities, and relieve the pressure on the urban rationing and supply systems.
Passports categorized the Soviet population into distinct groups with varying rights and privileges. The internal passport recorded citizens’ social position or class, occupation, nationality, age, sex, and place of residence. The identity fixed on a person’s passport determined where that individual could work, travel, and live. Only those with certain social, ethnic, and occupational identities were allowed residency in privileged cities, industrial sites, and strategic border and military areas. The passport also tied individuals to geographic areas and restricted their movements.
In the process of assigning passports, Soviet police removed dangerous, marginal, and anti-Soviet elements from the major cities. Many people fled the cities as passports were being introduced, fearful that they would arrested by the police as socially harmful elements. Passportization operations were also used to purge the western borderlands of Polish, German, Finnish, and other anti-Soviet groups.
In the initial phases, the internal passport and urban registration system often functioned in an irregular and erratic manner. Many people circumvented the system by forging passports, and others lived in towns without a valid passport. See also: FAMINE OF 1932-1933; KULAKS; MIGRATION; STATE SECURITY, ORGANS OF
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alexopoulos, Golfo. (1998). “Portrait of a Con Artist as a Soviet Man.” Slavic Review 57:774-790. Fitzpatrick, Sheila. (1994). Stalin’s Peasants. New York: Oxford University Press. Fitzpatrick, Sheila. (1999). Everyday Stalinism. New York: Oxford University Press. Kessler, Gijs. (2001). “The Passport System and State Control over Population Flows in the Soviet Union, 1932-1940.” Cahiers du monde Russe 42:477-504.
(1890-1960), poet, writer, translator.
Boris Leonidovich Pasternak was the most prominent figure of his literary generation, a great poet deeply connected with his age. His work unfolded during a period of fundamental changes in Russian cultural, social, and political history. It is therefore no wonder that many of his works, and most notably his novel, Doctor Zhivago, are imbued with the spirit of history and relate its effect on the lives, thoughts, and preoccupations of his contemporaries. In 1958 he was awarded the Nobel Prize for his achievements in lyrical poetry and the great Russian epic tradition.
