working without regular pay, thanks to budgetary constraints, increased significantly.

Numbers varied from 446 in the Service Land Chancellery to one in several smaller chancelleries; median and mean figures per chancellery were ten and nine (1620s) and twenty-three and fifty-two (1680s). Between three percent and ten percent were promoted to dyak. Not part of the Moscow service group, they were nonetheless respected for their expertise. Central clerks were dispatched into the field (land surveys, military headquarters duty, diplomatic service, etc.); mortality was high.

The number of provincial clerks varied from 750 (1640s) to nearly 1,900 (1690s). They worked under the town military governor (voyevoda), subordinated to the chancelleries. Working in Moscow and the provinces, the private scribe (ploshchadnoy podyachy) read and wrote private documents for a fee. See also: CHANCELLERY SYSTEM; DYAK

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brown, Peter B. (1978). “Early Modern Russian Bureaucracy: the Evolution of the Chancellery System from Ivan III to Peter the Great, 1478-1717.” Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago. Plavsic, Borovoi. (1980). “Seventeenth- Century Chanceries and Their Staffs.” In Russian Officialdom: The Bu-reaucratization of Russian Society from the Seventeenth Century to the Twentieth Century, eds. Walter McKen-zie Pintner and Don Karl Rowney. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

PETER B. BROWN

PODZOL

Podzols are subarctic soils of the cold, humid northern coniferous forest (taiga), found between the mixed forests of the temperate zone and the tundras of the arctic zone. Known as spodosol in the Seventh Approximation Soil Classification system, podzol derives from the Russian terms pod, or “under,” and zol, or “ash.” Very infertile because of the leaching of basic soil nutrients (calcium, sodium, potassium, magnesium, and so on), podzols are composed of layers known as horizons. The A-horizon comprises a shallow needleleaf litter zone, a narrow strongly acidic humus zone, and a broader ash-grey to chalky leached (A-2) horizon made up of silica, or sand. Beneath this infertile horizon is the zone of illuviation, or B-horizon, in which the leached nutrients of the A-horizon accumulate. Beyond the B-horizon is a totally inorganic C-horizon composed of weathered bedrock. Without substantial fertilization, podzols are suitable only for the growing of berries and root crops. See also: CLIMATE; GEOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Strahler, Arthur N. (1969). Physical Geography, 3rd ed. New York: Wiley.

VICTOR L. MOTE

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POGODIN, MIKHAIL PETROVICH

POGODIN, MIKHAIL PETROVICH

(1800-1875), prominent Russian historian, journalist, and publisher.

A Slavophile and professor of Russian history at Moscow University (1835-1844), Mikhail Pogodin wrote a seven-volume history of Russia (1846-1857) and a three-volume study entitled The Early History of Russia (1871). His conservative journal The Muscovite (1841-1856) defended the policies of Tsar Nicholas I.

Pogodin began life in humble circumstances, as the son of a serf, but his ultranationalist views helped to boost him to prominence. His association with the secret society Lovers of Wisdom (Lyubo-mudry) at Moscow University also helped his career. Founded in 1823 toward the end of the reign of Alexander I by Prince Vladimir Odoyevsky (1803-1869) and others, this society was, to some extent, a continuation of the Masonic Astrea Lodge. The circle-consisting of a dozen members who met in secret-tended to disregard politics and propound the philosophic ideas of Friedrich von Schelling and other Romantic thinkers. The society published the journal Mnemosyne until it was dissolved soon after the Decembrist uprising in 1825.

Pogodin believed that the natal gentry-style aristocracy had compromised and outlived itself. He wrote that Nicholas I, who died in 1855, had imposed upon Russia “the quiet of a graveyard, rotting and stinking, both physically and morally.” As a Pan-Slavist, he often suggested that God’s hand was at work in Russian history, preparing the nation for a great mission of peace and order. He compared the conquest of Siberia by Yermak in 1581 with that of South America by Hernando Cort?z. “We have discovered one third of Asia,” he wrote in 1837. “Is that not worthy of celebration like America’s discovery by Christopher Columbus?”

During the 1850s, Pogodin got into a debate with Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Maksymovych (1804-1873) over the legacy of Kievan Rus. Pogodin developed the untenable thesis that the Great Russians originally inhabited the Kiev region and that only after the Mongols forced them to flee to the northeast during the eleventh and twelfth centuries did the Ukrainians (“Little Russians”) migrate into the area. According to Pogodin, the Ukrainians arrived much later from somewhere in the Carpathian Mountains. Pogodin’s views were expanded on by the philologist Alexei Sobolevsky. The oldest school of thought about the legacy of Kievan Rus claims that the first leaders and organizers of the state were the Varangians, a group of Scandinavians who raided the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea during the ninth century and penetrated into Eastern Europe toward Byzantium along the Dnieper River. This Norman (Normanist) theory rests mainly on a literal interpretation of the Primary Chronicle (Tale of Bygone Years, or Povest vremennykh let), a document written by monks of the Kievan Monastery that covers the period up to 1118.

Throughout the nineteenth century, Ukrainian historians challenged the Normanist theory, downplaying the Varangian influence on the formation of Rus. They argued that Ukrainians were autochthonous (indigenous) in their territories and that the principality of Galicia-Volhynia was the successor to the Kievan state.

However, the tsarist autocracy constantly censored these revisionists, which, besides Maksy-movych, included Mykola Kostomarov, Volodymyr Antonovych, Mykhailo Hrushevsky, Dmytro Ba-halii, Dmytro Doroshenko, and Mykola Chubaty. Nonetheless, the Normanist theory, with certain modifications, remains the basis of Western historiography of Russia and Ukraine.

Despite Pogodin’s humble beginnings, his portrait was painted by the famous artist Vasily Perov (1834-1882), and he was buried with other luminaries in the Novodevichy Cemetery. See also: NORMANIST CONTROVERSY; SLAVOPHILES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Wilson, Andrew. (2000). The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

JOHANNA GRANVILLE

POGROMS

Pogrom, a Russian word that originally had several meanings, such as “beating,” “defeat,” “smashing,” or “destruction,” has come to be identified with violent attacks on the persons and property of one ethnicity by large crowds of other ethnicities, in particular, attacks on Jews by ethnic Russians. The first occurrence that historians generally agree was a pogrom took place in Odessa in 1821, and pogroms against Armenians took place in Azerbai1190

POKROVSKY, MIKHAIL NIKOLAYEVICH

jan in 1988 and 1990. Most pogroms in Russian history, however, took place in three major waves: 1881- 1884, following the assassination of Alexander II; 1903-1906, following the announcement of the October Manifesto; and 1919-1921, during the Russian Civil War. In the first wave, more than 250 pogroms were recorded, mostly within the Pale of Settlement in present-day Ukraine. Beginning in April 1881, the largest and most violent were in the large cities, but then radiated out through the countryside, often along the railroad lines. Most pogroms occurred in the spring and summer of 1881, with ever smaller numbers in the next three years. These were less violent than later waves, with probably only forty deaths in 1881. The next wave began in 1903 with the infamous Kishinev pogrom, accelerated through the dislocations of war and revolution, and reached a great crescendo at the end of 1905. In the two weeks after the October Manifesto, it is estimated that seven hundred pogroms occurred throughout Russia, leaving nine hundred dead and eight thousand wounded. Unlike other waves, pogroms occurred at this time in many places outside of the Pale of Settlement, including small cities with an insignificant or nonexistent Jewish population; in the latter cases, students and political activists were often the major targets.

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