more than seven hundred pages.
SORT required each side to reduce its operationally deployed strategic nuclear warheads to between 1,700 and 2,200 over the next decade, with a target date of December 31, 2012. At the insistence of the United States, the warheads did not have to be destroyed and could be stored for possible reassembly. Nor did SORT ban multiple war-heads-an option that had been left open because START II had never become law. SORT established no verification procedures, but could piggyback on the START I verification regime until December 2009, when the START inspection system would shut down. Putin signed SORT even though Moscow objected to Bush’s decision, announced in 2001, to abrogate the ABM treaty. Bush wanted to build a national defense system, and Putin could not stop him. See also: COLD WAR; REYKJAVIK SUMMIT; STRATEGIC ARMS LIMITATION TREATIES; STRATEGIC ARMS REDUCTION TALKS; STRATEGIC DEFENSE INITIATIVE; UNITED STATES, RELATIONS WITH
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Berman, Harold J., and Maggs, Peter B. (1967). Disarmament Inspection and Soviet Law. Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana. Bloomfield, Lincoln P., et al. (1966). Khrushchev and the Arms Race: Soviet Interests in Arms Control and Disar-mamen The Soviet Union and Disarmament,1954-1964. Cambridge, MA: The M.I.T. Press. Clemens, Walter C., Jr. (1968). The Arms Race and Sino-Soviet Relations. Stanford, CA: The Hoover Institution. Clemens, Walter C., Jr. (1973). The Superpowers and Arms Control: From Cold War to Interdependence. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books. Dallin, Alexander. (1965). The Soviet Union and Disarmament. New York: Praeger. Garthoff, Raymond L. (1994). Detente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution. Kolkowicz, Roman. (1970). The Soviet Union and Arms Control: A Superpower Dilemma. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Spanier, John W., and Nogee, Joseph L. (1962). The Politics of Disarmament: A Study in Soviet-American Gamesmanship. New York: Praeger.
WALTER C. CLEMENS JR.
The first, largest, and most prestigious Soviet Young Pioneer camp, Artek began life in 1925 as a children’s sanatorium, created on the Black Sea’s Crimean shore near Suuk-Su on the initiative of Old Bolshevik Zinovy Soloviev, vice-commissar for public health. Most of the early campers came for medical treatment. Soon, however, a trip to Artek became a reward for Pioneers who played an exemplary role in various Stalinist campaigns. In 1930 the camp became a year-round facility; in 1936 the government gave it the buildings of a nearby tsarist-era sanatorium. During World War II, the camp was evacuated to the Altai. In 1952 Artek instituted an international session each summer, in which children from socialist countries, as well as “democratic children’s movements” elsewhere, mingled with Soviet campers. In 1958, during Khrushchev’s campaign to rationalize the bureaucracy, Artek was transferred from the health ministry to the Komsomol and officially became a school of Pioneering. The next year, architects and
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engineers began redesigning the camp, replacing the old buildings with prefabricated structures based on an innovative combinatory system. The largest resort complex ever built exclusively for children, this New Artek, nearly the size of New York City’s Central Park and with a staff of about 3,000, hosted tens of thousands of children annually. It was a workshop for teachers and adult Pioneer leaders, a training ground for the country’s future elite, and a font of propaganda about the USSR’s solicitous-ness for children. After 1991, Artek, now in Ukraine, became a private facility. See also: COMMUNIST YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS
Thorez, Paul. (1991). Model Children: Inside the Republic of Red Scarves, tr. Nancy Cadet. New York: Autono-media. Weaver, Kitty. (1981). Russia’s Future: The Communist Education of Soviet Youth. New York: Praeger.
Article 6 of the 1977 Brezhnev Constitution established the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as the sole legitimate political party in the country. The Party was declared to be the “leading and guiding force of Soviet society and the nucleus of its political system, of all state organizations and public organizations,” and it imparted a “planned, systematic, and theoretically substantiated character” to the struggle for the victory of communism.
As Gorbachev’s reforms of glasnost, pere-stroika, and demokratizatsiya unfolded in the late 1980s and early 1990s, interest groups became increasing active, and proto-political parties began to organize. Pressures built to revoke Article 6. Bowing to these pressures and with Gorbachev’s acquiescence, the USSR Congress of People’s Deputies voted in February 1990 to amend Article 6 to remove the reference to the Party’s “leading role” and prohibitions against forming competing parties. The amended Article 6 read: “The Communist Party of the Soviet Union [and] other political parties, as well as trade union, youth, and other public organizations and mass movements, participate in shaping the policies of the Soviet state and in running state and public affairs through their representatives elected to the soviets of people’s deputies and in other ways.” Article 7 was also amended to specify that all parties must operate according to the law, while Article 51 was altered to insure all citizens the right to unite in political parties and public organizations.
Within months of the Congress’s action amending Article 6, fledgling political parties began to register themselves. Within one year, more than one hundred political parties had gained official recognition. The proliferation of political parties itself became problematic as reformers sought to establish stable democratic governing institutions and voters were presented with a bewildering array of choices of parties and candidates in national, regional, and local elections. See also: CONSTITUTION OF 1977; DEMOCRATIZATION
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sakwa, Richard. (2001). “Parties and Organised Interests.” In Developments in Russian Politics 5, eds. Stephen White, Alex Pravda, and Avi Gitelman. Bas-ingstoke, UK: Palgrave. White, Stephen. (2000). Russia’s New Politics. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Assembly of the Land is the usual translation of the Russian Zemsky sobor, a nineteenth-century term for a proto-parliamentary institution that was summoned irregularly between 1564 and 1653. One of the problems of studying the Assembly of the Land is defining it. The contemporary definition was sobor, which means “assembly” and could refer to any group of people anywhere, such as a church council or even an assembly of military people. Loosely defined, sobor could include almost any street-corner gathering in Muscovy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but it will be defined more strictly here as an assemblage called by the tsar and having both an upper and a lower chamber.
Some Soviet scholars, such as Lev Cherepnin, advocated the loose definition of sobor, by which he discussed fifty-seven assemblies between 1549 and 1683, thereby supporting the claim that Muscovy
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was an “estate-representative monarchy” not much different from contemporary central and western European states.
The great Russian historian Vasily Klyuchevsky initiated the view that the Assembly of the Land should be seen in terms of a sixteenth-century and seventeenth-century reality. In the former period the Assembly of the Land was definitely a consultative body called by the tsar when he needed advice. Delegates were rounded up from men who happened to be in Moscow for some reason, such as the start of a military campaign. After the collapse of the country in the Time of Troubles, the Assembly of the Land retained its former advisory functions, but delegates (especially to the lower chamber) sometimes were directly elected to voice the concerns of their constituents.
The earliest ancestor of the Assembly of the Land was an assemblage (sobor) of military figures convoked on the eve of Moscow’s invasion of Novgorod in 1471. The purpose was presumably to advise Grand Prince Ivan III about tactics for the campaign. No one claims that this was a real Assembly of the Land, but it was a sobor and had military linkages, as did many of the later real Assemblies of the Land.
Advice was one of the major functions of the Assembly of the Land. This role became critical after the
