Charkviani, Kavtaradze, Budyonny and the son of Dekanozov, but the same rules apply to them.
I have widely used conversation and dialogue which I hope gives a new immediacy to this chronicle, but I have applied rigourous standards to this material: the great majority of it comes from the archives themselves, specifically the minutes of Central Committee Plenums or Stalin’s meetings: the RGASPI references are in the Source Notes. I have also made liberal use of the Plenum minutes and other documents published in Arch Getty’s
I have used materials from NKVD confessions such as testimonies aimed at Yezhov in 1939 and quoted in Marc Jansen and Nikita Petrov’s new biography of him; those aimed at Vlasik in 1952; and at Beria in 1953. In all three cases, the aim of the “Organs” was to de-humanize the defendants by smearing them with accusations of sexual misconduct. They come with this health warning but I agree with Petrov that they can still be used carefully. In all three cases, interviews confirm the broader truth of some of these accusations.
Finally, I must stress here my debt to the great works of Stalin history that I have used as my essential texts in this book. These include Robert Tucker’s two volumes, Stalin as Revolutionary and Stalin in Power; the many classic works by Richard Pipes; Robert Conquest’s The Great Terror; Arch Getty’s The Road to Terror; Robert Service’s A History of 20th Century Russia; John Erickson’s The Road to Stalingrad and The Road to Berlin; Richard Overy’s Russia’s War; Sheila Fitzpatrick’s
On spelling, I have used the most accessible and recognizable versions, e.g. “Joseph” instead of “Iosif,” even when this leads to inconsistencies: for example, I use “Koniev” yet “Alliluyev.” For similar reasons, I have sometimes used Party names if they are more widely used than surnames: e.g., Ordzhonikidze was almost universally known as “Comrade Sergo” and I have usually used that moniker. However, in the case of Polina Zhemchuzhina, I call her Polina Molotova. For the same reasons, I have persisted in using the traditional Chinese spellings of Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai.
JOURNALS CITED


ABBREVIATIONS OF NAMES OF ARCHIVES CITED
RGASPI Russian State Archive of Social and Political History
GARF State Archive of Russian Federation
RGVA Russian State War Archive
TsAMO Central Archives of Ministry of Defence of Russian Federation
FSB RF Central Archives of Security Service of Russian Federation
RGAE Russian State Economical Archives
RGALI Russian State Archives of History and Literature
APRF Archive of Administration of the President of the Russian Federation
Izvestiya TsK KPSS Izvestiya of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
PROLOGUE: THE HOLIDAY DINNER
This account of 8 November 1932 is based on the memoirs of Molotov and Svetlana Alliluyeva, interviews with the surviving members of the Stalin family and children of the Soviet leaders along with Nadezhda’s health records, letters to and from Stalin, and official reports in the RGASPI and GARF archives, and also published accounts such as Edvard Radzinsky’s Stalin. Nadezhda’s looks: Svetlana Alliluyeva, Twenty Letters to a Friend, pp. 90–111. Boris Bazhanov, Bazhanov and the Damnation of Stalin, p. 110. Testimony of Nadezhda Stalin quoted in Radzinsky, Stalin, pp. 278–9. Women: F. Chuev (ed.),
Security: RGASPI 17.162.9.54, quoted in Oleg Khlevniuk,
For the psoriasis theory, which is unproven, see W. H. Bos, and E. M. Farber, “Joseph Stalin’s Psoriasis: Its Treatment and the Consequences” in
RGASPI 558.11.1550.34–5, Stalin to Nadya 21 June 1930. Nadya the snitch: RGASPI 85.28.63.13, Nadya Alliluyeva to Ordzhonikidze, complaining of neglect of Stalin’s call for correct training of technicians at Prodaka demiya, 2 April 1931. Thanks to Robert Service for this information.
RGASPI 558.11.1550, Nadya to Stalin 28 Aug. 1929.
On Nadya’s madness:
RGASPI 558.11.1550.27, Nadya to Stalin 27 Sept. 1929.