known of Grimaldi’s activities, and would have crossed paths with him on many occasions; now, Grimaldi’s financial acumen, his knowledge of London’s demi-monde and his utter lack of scruple made him particularly useful.16
For the city bourgeoisie, another alarming sign of Dudley’s dominance after 1504 was the rise to power of John Camby. A member of the grocers’ guild and a sheriff’s sergeant – a key position in city law-enforcement – Camby moved easily between London’s mercantile and political communities and the shadier world that he was supposed to police. Keeping a ‘stew’ or brothel in London’s Thamesside red-light district, Camby was heavily involved in the prostitution trade. This in itself was hardly unusual: after all, the biggest stews in the country, in Southwark, outside the city limits, were owned by the bishop of Winchester – none other than Henry’s close adviser Richard Fox. Nevertheless, in a city in which, as one Venetian merchant was at pains to point out, it was dangerous merely to step outdoors after dark, London’s prostitution trade had long been the focus for crime of all kinds, from robbery to homicide.17 It was a world in which Camby loomed large, and from which he had made a lot of money. According to his contemporaries, he lived a ‘wayward life’ and was associated with a litany of offences from bribery to gross bodily harm; somehow, though, he had escaped being dismissed from office. As well as a liberal way with bribes, Camby evidently had a way of getting out of tight corners, a gift of the gab. And he realized early on that Dudley was destined for great things.18
Flattering Dudley and showering him with gifts, Camby quickly became one of his closest associates. In November 1505 Dudley appointed him to the highly profitable office of weigher of wools in the port of London’s custom house, whose stone bulk stood out among the mass of wharves just west of the Tower. Posts like these were often filled by members of the royal household – in particular, by servants in the wardrobe, who could bring to bear their expertise in textiles and accounting in sniffing out sharp practice. Camby brought other kinds of expertise: an intimate knowledge of London’s political and criminal worlds, his own network of informers, and an appetite for extortion with menaces.
The city was dismayed at his appointment, but worse was to come. Camby was given the keepership of one of the two Counter prisons, in Poultry Yard off Cheapside, traditionally run by London’s sheriffs, where many convicted of offences in the city courts were held – in particular, of offences relating to the prostitution industry in which Camby had such a considerable stake. London’s politicians were aghast. Dudley’s preferment of Camby was the latest, and most egregious, example of the overturning of the natural order of things, of royal interference in the way London regulated itself. Given a free hand, Camby used it with gusto. Universally feared, he was ‘far in authority above any of the Sheriffs to whom of right he ought to have been subject and servant’.19
That Henry knew much of what was going on is all too clear. It was he who agreed the fines with Dudley – as Dudley had pointed out to Clopton, it was the king who ‘bade me offer you fifty marks’ to take over his court case. Toft, meanwhile, was rewarded personally by the king; so too was Grimaldi, who Henry used in a variety of financial activities.20
Through London’s teeming port and customs house, its warehouses, taverns, guildhalls and exchanges, everywhere where business was transacted, the promoters moved. Suspicion seeped through the city. Using the information they provided, Dudley and his colleagues on the council learned in the law prosecuted aggressively, arresting and detaining indefinitely without trial, the accused coerced into ‘agreeing’ with the king for whatever sums the counsellors, Dudley at the forefront, deemed suitable and, always, being forced into further financial bonds.
In the council learned’s minute books, and in Dudley’s accounts, the names mounted up, a litany of victims: men like the mercer Richard Gittins, ‘long in prison and paid much money upon a light surmise’; to James Yarford, who paid a hundred marks for release from a false indictment for felony; to the London haberdasher Robert Hawkyns, convicted and imprisoned for murder on flaky testimony – ‘the surmise of a lewd fellow’ – who paid 100 marks and entered into a bond for the same amount for his future good behaviour.21 In one of the most egregious cases, Thomas Kneseworth, the former mayor, was pulled up for trading offences allegedly committed under his mayoralty, together with his two sheriffs, Shore and Grove. All three were imprisoned indefinitely in the Marshalsea until they agreed to exorbitant penalties for their release. Their pardons came to another ?1,133 6s 8d, as much as possible paid cash down, the rest to be paid in instalments. They were, as Dudley later acknowledged, convicted on a ‘light cause’, a technicality.22 London’s citizens were terrorized. But if they felt things could get no worse, they were mistaken.
In southern England, the winter of 1506–7 was unseasonably warm. Frost scarcely lingered on the ground, no snow fell and – unlike the previous winter, which had dealt Henry such an extraordinary stroke of luck with the shipwrecking of Philip of Burgundy – there were no storms. At the end of January, the royal household left Greenwich, its flotilla of barges moving up the Thames through London to Richmond, where Henry again fell ill with a recurrence of the quinsy that had prostrated him following Elizabeth’s death three years previously. Despite the mildness of the winter, it was always the time of year that he was most susceptible, when despite the fires banked high and the thick arras-lined walls, the damp still seeped into the riverine houses along the Thames and, at high tide, the river itself trickled into cellars, undercrofts and kitchens. At Candlemas, in mid-February, Henry was able to take barge to Westminster to observe the anniversary of Elizabeth’s death, but shortly after, he fell into a steep decline. By early March it was becoming clear that his illness – tuberculosis, complicated by asthma – was life- threatening. The moment of crisis, it seemed, had arrived. Its harbinger was Lady Margaret Beaufort, who that month descended on Richmond with her household and immediately took charge.23
In recent years, Lady Margaret had stayed closer to her son, moving in 1505 from Collyweston to her Hertfordshire manor of Hatfield, a day’s ride from her London house of Coldharbour and the Thamesside royal palaces. That March, she organized with her customary zeal, taking over the supervision of Henry’s domestic servants, diet and physicians, and ordering a consignment of improving tomes of spiritual consolation: the fashionable
By mid-March, Henry was close to death. Lady Margaret directed operations, paying Garter herald Thomas Wriothesley twenty shillings for ‘making of a book of mourning clothes’, and a substantial quantity of ‘black material’ – ?57 6s 8d-worth – was bought to manufacture them with. She sent riders to alert her confessor John Fisher, bishop of Rochester and, in his East Anglian estates, the earl of Oxford, whose role as constable of the Tower would be paramount in any crisis. As the king weakened, he found enough strength to command two of his chaplains to order 7,209 sung masses as intercessions for his soul, and another thousand masses from his favoured Friars Observant at Greenwich. One of the chaplains, hovering by Henry’s bedside, was a sleek cleric in his mid- thirties, a ‘Master Wolsey’.26
After an academic career in theology at Oxford, Thomas Wolsey had gained a foothold in court circles as tutor to the marquis of Dorset’s children. He had transferred to the service of Henry Deane, the short-lived archbishop of Canterbury, standing at the archbishop’s graveside after his untimely death, a week after Queen Elizabeth’s, in February 1503. Then, amid the security alerts and household reshuffles, he headed for Calais as chaplain to its deputy governor Sir Richard Nanfan, a position of trust which would have undoubtedly seen him involved in the troubled conversations over the king’s illness and the succession. When, in late 1506, the ailing Nanfan returned to England and retired to his Buckinghamshire estates, he recommended Wolsey’s abilities and energy to the king in glowing terms. Henry took him on.
Wolsey’s new position as royal chaplain gave him considerable personal access to the king’s privy chamber. Ministering to Henry’s private devotions, he was in constant attendance: in present sight of the king daily by reason he attended and said mass before his grace in his privy closet’.27 As the king’s spiritual needs intensified along with his physical decline, the attentive Wolsey was perfectly placed to observe the political manoeuvrings being played out.
He was well aware of the value of his position. Never one to let the grass grow under his feet, he had started to ingratiate himself with his fellow chaplains, in particular Silvestro Gigli, and to cultivate the great men at court, making a beeline for Richard Fox and Thomas Lovell. Both counsellors quickly realized that Wolsey, sharp and
