was done without thinking; he didn’t want Mahr touching his son. The German was puzzled. He felt the hostility.
‘Do we know each other, Sergeant?’
‘No, we don’t know each other,’ said Stefan coldly.
As he walked away with Tom, the archaeologist watched him, now more puzzled than before. He paused for a minute, unable to remember why Stefan seemed familiar, then almost immediately he forgot about him and turned back to the queue of people who were waiting to shake his hand.
Stefan and Tom walked east from the Pinnacle, looking at the high, flat top of Keadeen and the Wicklow Mountains beyond. Within minutes the tip of Baltinglass Hill was out of sight behind them. The people were gone. There was only the rough grass and the gorse and the view across the fields towards the farm below Kilranelagh, and a few crotchety, grumbling sheep fanning out in front of them as they walked down the gentle slope.
‘Were they all killed?’ Tom was thinking hard.
‘Who?’
‘The people who lived here once. Who built the stones.’
‘I don’t know. Nobody really knows what happened. I don’t suppose all of them were. I’ve always thought they’re still here in some way.’
‘Like ghosts?’
‘Not like ghosts. I just mean … in us really. Well, we all come from somewhere. But if you keep going back to our grandparents and our great-grandparents and our great-great-grandparents for thousands of years, well, we probably all come from everywhere. Does that make any sense?’
Tom frowned. He wasn’t really sure it did. Stefan smiled.
‘But is this where we belong?’ asked the boy.
‘Well, there isn’t anywhere else, so I’d say so, wouldn’t you?’
Tom nodded. That seemed to make all the sense he needed.
They carried on down the hill. The wind had dropped now and they could feel the warmth of the sun. Tom still held his father’s hand. Hannah’s letter was in Stefan’s mind again. He thought of her last words. ‘There’s not a lot of light. It’s what makes it special. Thank you for giving me some of yours. I won’t forget.’ He wouldn’t forget either. She had given him her light too.
Tom suddenly let go of Stefan’s hand and started to run down the hill, faster and faster, scattering the bleating sheep ahead of him, and sending a pair of larks chirruping up out of the gorse into the clear, evening sky. He was shouting and laughing, just because he wanted to shout and laugh. And as Stefan chased after him, he was laughing as well, and for exactly the same reason.
A Tale of Two Treaties
After almost eight hundred years of first Norman, then English invasion and occupation, including the union of Britain and Ireland that had been in place since 1801, the Irish Free State (Saorstat Eireann) was established as a self-governing dominion of the British Empire on 6 December 1922 as a result of the Anglo-Irish Treaty that had ended the War of Independence in 1921. For about one day the Free State comprised the entire island of Ireland, but then six counties in Ulster exercised their right to separate themselves from it, as Northern Ireland, and to remain part of the United Kingdom.
The Treaty’s failure to give Irish Republicans a united Ireland, with no links to Britain, meant that the country was plunged into civil war, with anti-Treaty forces in Sinn Fein and the IRA taking up arms against the Free State despite an election that had approved the new government. The Civil War lasted over a year. It was characterised by great brutality on both sides as men who had fought together against British rule murdered each other. Eamon de Valera, who had been President of the Irish Republic during the War of Independence, became the anti-Treaty political leader. Michael Collins, the most notable pro-Treaty leader, was killed by anti-Treaty forces in 1922.
By 1923 the anti-Treaty forces were beaten. De Valera argued for a truce, but the military leadership disagreed; the IRA dumped its arms, refused to recognise the Free State, and descended into internecine splits and failed bombing campaigns. For ten years the Irish Free State was ruled by the pro-Treaty party, Cumann na nGaedheal (Party of the Gaels). Meanwhile, de Valera had accepted there was no future in armed struggle. He left Sinn Fein and established a new political party, Fianna Fail (Soldiers of Destiny). In 1932 he won a majority of seats in the parliament (Dail). There was fear that Cumann na nGaedheal would not give up power. It had established a paramilitary wing, the Army Comrades Association, better known as the Blueshirts, modelled on what was happening in Italy and Germany, to defend the party against Fianna Fail and a resurgent IRA. There was street fighting at political meetings but the ACA was not a serious threat to democracy, and it never really adopted a fascist ideology. Ireland’s democratic instincts and institutions were strong enough, as was the loyalty of its young police force, An Garda Siochana (Guardian of the Peace), and its army. A 1933 march on Dublin, planned by ex- Garda Commissioner Eoin O’Duffy, never happened, though it gave de Valera the opportunity to ban the Blueshirts.
De Valera then adopted the policy Michael Collins had died for: the Free State wasn’t freedom but it was the freedom to achieve freedom. By 1937 he stripped away most of the Treaty elements that tied Ireland to Britain, including references to the English king as King of Ireland. His new constitution claimed the whole island of Ireland, but recognised de facto partition. Incorporated into it was the special position of the Catholic Church; Catholic teaching on women and the family was an important element in the constitution and civil divorce was illegal.
Adolf Mahr came to Ireland from Vienna in 1927, first as Keeper of Antiquities at the National Museum, then as its director. His later role as Gauleiter (leader) of the Irish Nazi Party wasn’t unusual in Europe, nor was the activity that went with it — keeping a close eye on anti-Nazi ‘subversives’ and acquiring information that might be beneficial to Germany. In the build-up to the Second World War the Germans got a lot of things wrong as well as right. In Ireland they failed to recognise the complexity of the relationship with Britain. The influence of ‘physical force’ Republicanism was overestimated as was its ability to be a serious terrorist threat to Britain. Antipathy towards England had a familial quality that Germany simply didn’t see. It might make it impossible for Ireland to fight a war at Britain’s side, but it would not translate into a popular will to support Britain’s enemies in such a war. There were those in German intelligence who believed it would.
The Free City of Danzig (in Polish, Gda?nsk) was two years younger than the Irish Free State. It was established on 15 November 1920, in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles that marked the end of the First World War; as the treaty that laid the foundations for the Second World War it proved even more poisonous than the one that established Saorstat Eireann. It forced Germany to give up territory (in the map above the red line marks the 1919 German border); it demanded crippling reparation payments in the midst of worldwide financial collapse; it mixed nationalism up with hatred and humiliation and despair; and it rolled out a red carpet for Adolf Hitler.
Danzig had been a German city for eight hundred years, though its hinterland contained Polish and German populations. It had always had a tradition of independence, initially as a member of the medieval Hanseatic League of city states; but even as it had shifted back and forward between the kingdoms of Prussia and Poland it had maintained its own traditions and laws. Only in 1871 had it become, for a brief period, part of a united Germany. Now it had independence again, along with a liberal constitution watched over by a League of Nations High Commissioner. But ninety-five per cent of Danzigers spoke German and saw themselves as Germans; as German nationalism became angrier and more vociferous in the financial chaos of the twenties and thirties, more and more Danzigers felt the Treaty of Versailles had penalised them, as it had the rest of Germany. They felt they had been forced into an ‘arranged marriage’ with Poland, a country they believed was occupying ancient German land — and wanted theirs next.
The result was the growth of the Nazi Party in Danzig, mirroring Hitler’s rise in Germany. In 1933 the Nazi Party took control of the Free City. In Ireland democracy offered the freedom to achieve freedom; in Danzig, as in Germany, it was a tool to end freedom. Opposition was repressed and eradicated. The only dissenting voices were the League of Nations High Commissioner and the Catholic Bishop. With appeasement throughout Europe and Nazi policies driving Germany, nothing would stop the Nazi juggernaut, but for a short time Sean Lester and Edward O’Rourke stood their ground.
