span, from November 1790 to March 1791.
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All four writers in this section are concerned with the same questions: justification of hereditary rule, ownership of property, interpretation of the English constitution, and the 'rights of men'?and women?in things such as (in Price's words) 'liberty of conscience in religious matters,' the 'right to resist power when abused,' the 'right to chuse our own governors; to cashier them for misconduct; and to frame a government for ourselves.' But the extracts have been chosen mainly to illustrate the tones of the debate: celebratory in Price, congratulating himself and his audience on having lived to see 'Thirty Millions of people, indignant and resolute, spurning at slavery, and demanding liberty with an irresistible voice'; blatantly sensationalist in Burke, depicting the rude treatment of the king and especially the queen, in her nightgown ('almost naked'), 'forced to abandon the sanctuary of the most splendid palace in the world, which they left swimming in blood, polluted by massacre, and strewed with scattered limbs and mutilated carcases'; forthrightly contemptuous in Wollstonecraft, who describes Burke's work as 'many ingenious arguments in a very specious garb'; basically pointed and plain in Paine: 'I am contending for the rights of the living, and against their being willed away, and controuled and contracted for, by the . . . assumed authority of the dead.'
RICHARD PRICE
Richard Price (1723? 1791) was a Unitarian minister in London and a writer on moral philosophy, population, and the national debt, among other topics. The full title of his sermon, which prompted Burke's Reflections and in turn the scores of responses to Burke, is A Discourse on the Love of Our Country, Delivered on Nov. 4, J 789, at the Meeting-House in the Old Jewry, to the Society for Commemorating the Revolution in Great Britain. The London Bevolution Society had been founded a year earlier to mark the hundredth anniversary of the 'bloodless' Glorious Revolution of 1688, which ended the short reign of King James II and produced the Declaration of Right, establishing a limited monarchy and guaranteeing the civil rights of privileged classes. The first two-thirds of the extracts given here commemorate that Revolution; in the final third, beginning 'What an eventful period is this!' Price greets with religious fervor 'two other Revolutions, both glorious,' the American and the French. The Discourse went through six editions in its first year of publication.
From. A Discourse on the Love of Our Country
We are met to thank God for that event in this country to which the name of TH E REVOLUTION has been given; and which, for more than a century, it has been usual for the friends of freedom, and more especially Protestant Dissenters, under the title of the REVOLUTION SOCIETY, to celebrate with expressions of joy and exultation. * * * By a bloodless victory, the fetters which despotism had been long preparing for us were broken; the rights of the people were asserted, a tyrant expelled, and a Sovereign of our own choice appointed in his room. Security was given to our property, and our consciences were emancipated. The bounds of free enquiry were enlarged; the volume in which are the words of eternal life, was laid more open to our examination; and that aera of light and liberty was introduced among us, by which we have been made an example to other kingdoms, and became the instructors of the world.
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15 0 / THE REVOLUTION CONTROVERSY
Had it not been for this deliverance, the probability is, that, instead of being thus distinguished, we should now have been a base people, groaning under the infamy and misery of popery and slavery. Let us, therefore, offer thanksgivings to God, the author of all our blessings. * * *
It is well known that King James was not far from gaining his purpose; and that probably he would have succeeded, had he been less in a hurry. But he was a fool as well as a bigot. He wanted courage as well as prudence; and, therefore, fled, and left us to settle quietly for ourselves that constitution of government which is now our boast. We have particular reason, as Protestant Dissenters, to rejoice on this occasion. It was at this time we were rescued from persecution, and obtained the liberty of worshipping God in the manner we think most acceptable to him. It was then our meeting houses were opened, our worship was taken under the protection of the law, and the principles of toleration gained a triumph. We have, therefore, on this occasion, peculiar reasons for thanksgiving.?But let us remember that we ought not to satisfy ourselves with thanksgivings. Our gratitude, if genuine, will be accompanied with endeavours to give stability to the deliverance our country has obtained, and to extend and improve the happiness with which the Revolution has blest us.?Let us, in particular, take care not to forget the principles of the Revolution. This Society has, very properly, in its Reports, held out these principles, as an instruction to the public. I will only take notice of the three following:
First: The right to liberty of conscience in religious matters.
Secondly: The right to resist power when abused. And,
Thirdly: The right to chuse our own governors; to cashier them for misconduct; and to frame a government for ourselves.
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I would farther direct you to remember, that though the Revolution was a great work, it was by no means a perfect work; and that all was not then gained which was necessary to put the kingdom in the secure and complete possession of the blessings of liberty.?In particular, you should recollect, that the toleration then obtained was imperfect. It included only those who could declare their faith in the doctrinal articles of the church of England. It has, indeed, been since extended, but not sufficiently; for there still exist penal laws on account of religious opinions, which (were they carried into execution) would shut up many of our places of worship, and silence and imprison some of our ablest and best men.?The TEST LAWS are also still in force; and deprive of eligibility to civil and military offices, all who cannot conform to the established worship. It is with great pleasure I find that the body of Protestant Dissenters, though defeated in two late attempts to deliver their country from this disgrace to it, have determined to persevere. Should they at last succeed, they will have the satisfaction, not only of removing from themselves a proscription they do not deserve, but of contributing to lessen the number of public iniquities. For I cannot call by a gentler name, laws which convert an ordinance appointed by our Saviour to commemorate his death, into an instrument of oppressive policy, and a qualification of rakes and atheists for civil posts.?I have said, should they succeed?but perhaps I ought not to suggest a doubt about their success. And, indeed, when I consider that in Scotland the established church is defended by no such test?-that in Ireland it has been abolished?that in a great neighbouring country it has been declared to be an indefeasible right of all citizens to be equally eligible to public offices?that
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