Ben-Nun waved a teletype form. 'Word from the International Red Cross. Aaron, Colonel Hali-he's a prisoner of the Saudis. He injured his back on ejection but apparently he's all right otherwise. '
Yatanahu, like many Israeli pilots, was not devoutly religious.
But he closed his eyes and said a short, heartfelt prayer of thanksgiving.
The aide saw the relief on his superior's face. 'Evidently several other pilots were captured, too. We probably won't know full details until a cease-fire is arranged.'
'Well, that may be quite a while, Yoni. I just saw the kill-loss ratio from the first week. We're destroying eight to ten enemy aircraft for each loss in air combat. It's not as good as it used to be.'
The captain said, 'We knew the Syrians were working hard to improve in the past three years. And the Iraqis have a lot of institutional experience from fighting Iran. Even the Iranians have produced a few top fliers. You recall that memo about their ace F-14 pilot who claimed sixteen kills against Iraq during the 1980-88 war. But-'
'I know,' the colonel interrupted. 'The Saudis. We may be lucky to break even against them. They and the Jordanians are very good.'
Feeling defensive, Ben-Nun interjected, 'But there have been only a handful of engagements, sir. We were fighting over their territory, close to their bases. My God, the Ha'il strike was a nine-hundred mile round trip. And the F-20 is so small. It's very hard to see. Many of our pilots never even-'
Yatanahu waved a hand. 'Yes, yes. I know all the pertinent arguments, Yoni. And each one of your points is valid. But we shouldn't have expected a pushover. Intelligence reported the Tigershark pilots were flying a
'Yes, sir.'
'All right. Enough philosophy. What else do you have for me today?'
Consulting his clipboard, Ben-Nun pulled out a notification of the next day's scheduled operations. 'The army is moving some units from the West Bank to reinforce the northern front, where the Syrians are massing. We have to maintain standing patrols over the withdrawal area before daylight and maintain cockpit alert with every serviceable aircraft not assigned to fly.'
Yatanahu glanced at the order and initialed it. 'Very well. What do you make of this, Yoni?'
The aide hated it when his CO played military professor.
'Sir, I suspect a deception. The Syrians already control all of Lebanon. The stated Arab goal in this war is to drive us from Jordan and the West Bank. If they follow von Clausewitz, they'll concentrate at the decisive point-the West Bank. This activity in Lebanon could be meant to draw us off.'
'Excellent!' The colonel clapped his aide on the shoulder. 'It so happens I agree with you. It also appears the government wants to seize some Lebanese territory as a bargaining chip to retain a presence on the West Bank if we're forced out.'
The young captain asked in a low voice, 'Colonel, can we hold the West Bank? If we have to pull back-'
'I know, Yom, I know. There'll be hell to pay.'
CAIRO (Exclusive to Middle Eastern News Service)-Egyptian forces entered the thirteen-day-old Arab-Israeli war this evening, driving a two-pronged assault into the previously inactive Sinai front. The attack, apparently largely unexpected in Tel Aviv, is directed along the coast to the Gaza Strip as far as Ashqelon in the north. The southern flank seems aimed for Sedom on the shore of the Dead Sea. Reports indicate that favorable defensive terrain has slowed the Egyptian column in the hills near Dimona.
Egypt's abrupt entry into the war came some six hours after an Iraqi assault upon an exposed portion of the Israeli lines on the West Bank. Low-flying jets reportedly spread smoke and chemical curtains ahead of a regimental-sized heliborne force which landed in the Israeli rear, cutting off the defenders from immediate aid. Though casualties among the Soviet-built Hip and Hind helicopters seem to be heavy, the follow-up infantry assault-allegedly supported by mustard gas from artillery-gained 'considerable ground,' according to Baghdad sources.
The present Cairo government has been far more sympathetic to the Muslim alliance of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Libya than its predecessor. Following the death of President Khalid Amad and many of his cabinet ministers in a still-unsolved air crash five years ago, Egypt has edged ever closer to an outright alliance with the hard-line Arab states. But sources in the capitol still expressed surprise at the size and scale of the Egyptian army offensive.
Military observers in the Middle East have noted over the past two weeks that Israel's Jordanian front lines were overextended in the face of so strong an assault from Lebanon southward. The Iraqi attack should not have come as a complete surprise, say some analysts, since the corps which launched the combined-arms assault was known to be capable of such action. The corps commander, General Hassan Gamail, reportedly gained such experience during the eight-year war with Iran.
Western military attaches, queried about the new development, expressed doubt that Israel could sustain its present position in Jordan.
Without actually stating its aim, the Arab coalition seems to have abandoned its avowed goal of merely expelling Israel from occupied Jordan and the West Bank, said one diplomat. That same concern has been expressed in statements from Geneva, Paris, Washington and the United Nations.
The Soviet ambassador's heels clicked on the concrete, echoing in the Second Avenue subway station. Twenty paces behind him two security agents kept pace with the fast-walking diplomat. Several blocks to the north was the United Nations Building. Anatoli Servenoff was one of the few old men left in the upper strata of the Soviet hierarchy. A new clique finally had replaced most of the World War II generation, but a few remained because of influence or ability. The United Nations ambassador had both.
As a twenty-four-year-old, Servenoff had been a petty bureaucrat in the Ukraine when the Germans struck in 1941. He had saved himself from liquidation-the usual fate of Communist Party members-by offering to cooperate in locating and exterminating every Jew in his district. He had worked hard and effectively for two years before making a dash for Soviet lines. Taking with him information and marginally useful documents, Servenoff had ingratiated himself with his superiors, who commended him for his espionage work among the Nazi barbarians. By 1945 he was a security commissar, still rounding up 'unreliable' elements among the Jewish population.
The prospect of speaking directly and privately to the Israeli ambassador to the United Nations was distasteful to Servenoff. There was a metallic tinge in the Russian's mouth, and he spat several times trying to dislodge the bitter saliva. But the Soviet ambassador, like many of his Kremlin colleagues, was a master of expressionless demeanor. Secretary of State Thurmon Wilson had once remarked, 'They may be a nation of chess players but their negotiating face would do credit to a master poker player.'
Servenoff glanced around to satisfy himself that nobody was within earshot. He had been directed by Moscow to present his message to the Israelis without a chance of being recorded or overheard. One hundred yards ahead, approaching from the opposite direction, he recognized the Israeli ambassador, Avrim Ran. As if on signal, the Israeli bodyguards stopped when the Soviets halted. The two diplomats continued walking toward one another, each with hands in his pockets.
Neither man extended a hand in greeting.
Ran stared unblinking at the Soviet. He knew Servenoff's life story, knew that this man could be relied upon at Politburo meetings to push for harsher treatment of Soviet Jews. Western efforts to increase Jewish emigration from Russia drew mixed reaction from Servenoff. On the one hand, he wished every Jew gone from the Soviet Union-even the 'good' Jews who abounded in Russian life and the Communist hierarchy. On the other hand, a lifetime of harassing, prosecuting, and deporting Jews had become ingrained habit.
Without preamble the Soviet diplomat spoke in near-perfect English. 'Ambassador Ran, my government has directed me to convey to you in the most forceful terms the following: Because of our long fraternal relationship with the oppressed Arab peoples, Soviet friendship and assistance for them is a cornerstone of our Middle East
