on the stages of Europe and the United States. The West is mistaken when it takes Chekhov for a typical Russian writer.
Although he admired Tolstoy greatly, Chekhov nevertheless felt strongly that prophecy was not the writer’s job. His alienation reflected the realities of the new Russia, moving from the peasant commune to a developed capitalist society. The “peasant” anarchist Tolstoy wrathfully denounced that path. His ideas, populist and quasi-Christian (with strong Buddhist overtones), had not only formed the consciousness of the modern Russian intelligentsia but had also created an influential paradigm for the behavior of the politically astute writer in general. When Russia’s movement toward a Westernized market-based society was interrupted by the revolution of 1917, the Tolstoy model reigned supreme for a long time: in the Soviet era art was seen as a direct tool for improving human nature, and the didactic element in culture came to the forefront. (See Shklovsky’s paradoxical idea of Tolstoy as precursor of socialist realism.) In that sense, Chekhov was an opponent of Tolstoy and his followers in life and art. Chekhov’s ideology was diffused in the artistic fabric of his work and it is very difficult to separate it out.
This does not mean that Chekhov had no ideals at all, as both liberal and conservative commentators of the day had charged. But those ideals were secular, sober, and incomparably more pragmatic than the views of Tolstoy. Tolstoy was rightly compared to a prophet: his moral sermon was passionate and unambivalent. “Do not kill,” “Do not eat meat,” “Abstain from sex,” “Live according to the Bible,” Tolstoy admonished. Many people obeyed, hoping to make their lives better. But Chekhov back in 1894 wrote to Suvorin: “Tolstoy’s philosophy affected me strongly and influenced me for six or seven years…. Now something within me protests; thrift and fairness tell me that there is more love of mankind in electricity and steam than in chastity and vegetarianism.”17
After Chekhov’s death, Tolstoy compared Chekhov’s style to the Impressionists: “You watch a man seemingly smear whatever paints come to hand without any selection and the strokes seem to have no relationship to each other. But you step back a bit and look, and the whole forms a complete impression.”18 This admiration for Chekhov’s innovation extended only to his prose; as Tolstoy himself told Chekhov: “I can’t stand your plays. Shakespeare wrote badly, and you’re even worse!”19
This may appear bizarre now, but Tolstoy was not alone in his dislike of Chekhov the playwright; Gorky, Bunin, and many critics at the beginning of the century had serious reservations about his work. The premiere in 1896 at the Imperial Alexandrinsky Theater in St. Petersburg of Chekhov’s first mature play,
It is not clear what would have happened to Chekhov the playwright if a boldly innovative theatrical organization had not sprung up in Russia. It revolutionized the art of the stage not only in Russia but throughout the world.
For these Russian theatrical revolutionaries (Nemirovich-Danchenko was an aristocrat, Stanislavsky from a wealthy merchant family) the guiding star was Chekhov’s modern sensibility, which the traditional stage could neither understand nor accept. It is not surprising that the old guard saw it all as a muddle: after all, Chekhov had totally rejected the concept of the “well-made play,” with its intricate plot twists, over-long monologues and artificial dialogues resembling opera duets. A Chekhov play is usually put together from bits of detached phrases and the action has been moved to the subtext. In the finale of
Chekhov’s modern ideology was inculcated into the social discourse primarily from the stage of the MAT. This is how the Symbolist poet Alexander Blok described a MAT production of a Chekhov play in a letter to his mother: “It is a corner of the great Russian art, one of the accidentally preserved, miraculously unsullied corners of my vile, filthy, stupid, and bloody motherland.”21 Another poet, Osip Mandelstam, would write later, somewhat ironically: “The Art Theater is the child of the Russian intelligentsia, flesh of her flesh, bone of her bone…. From childhood I recall the reverent atmosphere that surrounded the theater. Going to the Art Theater for a member of the intelligentsia meant practically taking communion, going to church.”22
It is possible that Anna Akhmatova’s ironic attitude toward both MAT and Chekhov, which so shocked me when we met in 1965, came from Mandelstam. “Chekhov is not compatible with poetry,” said Akhmatova. Her anti- Chekhov stance seemed paradoxical, but it reflected Akhmatova’s aversion to the cultural intelligentsia mainstream of her youth, which she felt was strongly influenced by MAT and Chekhov.
The very concept of intelligentsia is specifically Russian. It implies not only an educated person—scientists, scholars, writers, journalists, lawyers, doctors, engineers, teachers, and college students—but a certain liberal outlook. Psychologically, the
The traditional Russian perception is that the
Ironically, Stanislavsky and Nemirovich-Danchenko, like Chekhov, abhorred politics. But politics caught up with them, forcing its way into their hothouse of high art. The audiences stayed on after premieres for a lecture by a critic on the play. After the lecture, lively topical discussions continued outside the theater. Young people debated with particular passion.
“People with a deep spiritual wound go to the theater,” wrote a reviewer in 1905, speaking primarily of MAT. “The theater is the only place where a Russian citizen feels like a citizen, where he meets with others like himself and involves himself in the formation of public opinion.”23 Andreyev described people leaving MAT after a performance of Chekhov’s
Chekhov literally created a new audience. After
Chekhov didn’t take these self-aggrandizing declarations of Stanislavsky’s too seriously. Although many people