mob scenes from
The «Englishness» that Dickens was celebrated for having captured in his diverse portrait gallery (a reviewer recommended Sketches by Boz to foreign audiences as the best of guidebooks) also flattered middleclass interests, and consolidated middle-class values as national ones. The «Englishness» that Dickens did so much to define is usually considered to include, for example, the sincerity and honesty that are the hallmarks of Victorian middle-class ethics. (Dickens's novels relentlessly satirize the deceitfulness attributed to upper-class political and business figures, from the scheming of Ralph Nickleby to the pasteboard mask of Merdle in
'Englishness' also had its nationalistic implications. Dickens often stigmatized non-English cultures as lacking in «English» virtues like industry, sincerity, and healthy diversity. Thus, in American Notes he writes that the American people are 'all alike… There is no diversity of character,' and his descriptions of French, Italian, and American national psyches usually attribute to them large doses of deceitfulness or laziness or both. More disturbing, articles in Household Words often took a brutal attitude toward native peoples in the colonies, and Dickens's strong authoritarian responses to the Indian Mutiny of 1857 and the Jamaica Rebellion of 1865 betray an occasionally genocidal disposition. On the heels of the Indian Mutiny, he wrote to Angela BurdettCoutts: 'I should do my utmost to exterminate the Race upon whom the stain of the late cruelties rested… to blot it out of mankind and raze it off the face of the Earth.' Despite his general chauvinism about -388- the English, however, Dickens did support the antislavery movement, which was very strong in England during the early part of his career. One of the most severe indictments of Harold Skimpole in
But perhaps Dickens's most serious betrayal of populist sympathies is his deep commitment to an individualist ethos. The central plot of the novels is always the emergence of an orphaned hero or heroine out of privation into a recognizably middle-class circle of kindness and care. This standard Dickensian trajectory is launched with the rescue of Oliver Twist from Fagin's den of thieves and his restoration to his rightful middle-class identity. It continues in the rise of such characters as Kit Nubbles, Walter Gay, Esther Summerson,
One formal consequence of Dickens's divided class loyalties is his novels' enigmatic use of doubles. His wholesomely enterprising heroes are always doubled by unscrupulously ambitious villains in ways that both acknowledge and obscure the clash of middle-class individualism with Christian pieties about brotherhood. These villainous doubles often desire the very same social goals-in some cases even the same woman-as does the hero (thus Uriah Heep envies
The same contradictions underwrite Dickens's exceptional scrupulosity about the nonmercenary motives of his lovers, a characteristic that introduces a significant new shade of moral purity into British fiction. In
Another formal strategy that helps to suppress the moral conflicts of the novels is Dickens's use of subplots-both comic and sensational-that diffuse the apparent moral meaning of his central action. The central plot of
To some extent, Dickens's ideological vacillations are reflected in his fuzzy, often ambiguous ideas about politics. His political philosophy, vague as it may have been, revolved around his belief that government should make itself the servant of public opinion. Lawmakers, he argued in an 1870 speech, should obey 'the spirit of their times' and act as 'the mere servants of the people.' These sentiments seek a middle ground between Victorian political theorists who advocated principles of governmental interference and those who advocated governmental restraint. Dickens and many others in the Victorian mainstream favored a political order that would feature limited but nevertheless strong governance, and his hybrid formulation relied on the notion that government could mold itself-much as he apparently did himself-as an organic expression of the common will. Alexander Welsh explains that Dickens saw 'the action of public opinion [as] at once democratic and authoritarian: by some unspecified process the people must 'force' the government to 'coerce' themselves.' In one form or another, this kind of faith in 'public opinion' as a more effective motor of government than either the franchise or complete centralization was widely shared in Victorian culture-by writers as diverse as Spencer, Mill, Carlyle, Ruskin, and George Eliot. For Dickens, such faith underlay his vicious satires of political authority and especially his contempt for Parliament, which he saw as unresponsive to public opinion. But it also underlay his bitter hatred of mobs, his opposition to further extension of the franchise, and his belief in the strict punishment of criminals. It lies at the root of his disillusion with American democracy, his revulsion from what he saw as the excesses of unhierarchical American liberties. Most tellingly, it feeds his remarkable respect for the military and the police. Throughout the novels, Dickens imagines the executive branch of government as a direct expression of the «public» desire for order, and