minister here said that you were a prudent person, and that something serious must have happened if you wanted to see me outside all normal channels.”

Edklinth exhaled a little. Whatever happened, the wrath of the Prime Minister was not going to come down on him.

“Now we just have to decide how we’re going to handle it. Do you have any suggestions?”

“Perhaps,” Edklinth said tentatively.

He was silent for so long that Figuerola cleared her throat. “May I say something?”

“Please do,” the P.M. said.

“If it’s true that the government doesn’t know about this operation, then it’s illegal. The person responsible in such a case is the criminal civil servant – or civil servants – who overstepped his authority. If we can verify all the claims Blomkvist is making, it means that a group of officers within S.I.S. have been devoting themselves to criminal activity for a long time. The problem would then unfold in two parts.”

“How do you mean?”

“First we have to ask the question: how could this have been possible? Who is responsible? How did such a conspiracy develop within the framework of an established police organization? I myself work for S.I.S., and I’m proud of it. How can this have gone on for so long? How could this activity have been both concealed and financed?”

“Go on,” the P.M. said.

“Whole books will probably be written about this first part. It’s clear that there must have been financing, at least several million kronor annually I’d say. I looked over the budget of the Security Police and found nothing resembling an allocation for the Zalachenko club. But, as you know, there are a number of hidden funds controlled by the chief of Secretariat and chief of Budget that I have no access to.”

The Prime Minister nodded grimly. Why did Sapo always have to be such a nightmare to administer?

“The second part is: who is involved? And very specifically, which individuals should be arrested? From my standpoint, all these questions depend on the decision you make in the next few minutes,” she said to the P.M.

Edklinth was holding his breath. If he could have kicked Figuerola in the shin he would have done so. She had cut through all the rhetoric and intimated that the Prime Minister himself was responsible. He had considered coming to the same conclusion, but not before a long and diplomatic circumlocution.

“What decision do you think I should make?”

“I believe we have common interests. I’ve worked at Constitutional Protection for three years. I consider this office of central importance to Swedish democracy. The Security Police has worked satisfactorily within the framework of the constitution in recent years. Naturally I don’t want the scandal to affect S.I.S. For us it’s important to bear in mind that this is a case of criminal activity perpetrated by a small number of individuals.”

“Activity of this kind is most definitely not sanctioned by the government,” the Minister of Justice said.

Figuerola nodded and thought for a few seconds. “It is, in my view, essential that the scandal should not implicate the government – which is what would happen if the government tried to cover up the story.”

“The government does not cover up criminal activity,” the Minister of Justice said.

“No, but let’s assume, hypothetically, that the government might want to do so. There would be a scandal of enormous proportions.”

“Go on,” the P.M. said.

“The situation is complicated by the fact that we in Constitutional Protection are being forced to conduct an operation which is itself against regulations in order to investigate this matter. So we want everything to be legitimate and in keeping with the constitution.”

“As do we all,” the P.M. said.

“In that case I suggest that you – in your capacity as Prime Minister – instruct Constitutional Protection to investigate this mess with the utmost urgency,” Figuerola said. “Give us a written order and the authority we need.”

“I’m not sure that what you propose is legal,” the Minister of Justice said.

“It is legal. The government has the power to adopt a wide range of measures in the event that breaches of the constitution are threatened. If a group from the military or police starts pursuing an independent foreign policy, a de facto coup has taken place in Sweden.”

“Foreign policy?” the Minister of Justice said.

The P.M. nodded all of a sudden.

“Zalachenko was a defector from a foreign power,” Figuerola said. “The information he contributed was supplied, according to Blomkvist, to foreign intelligence services. If the government was not informed, a coup has taken place.”

“I follow your reasoning,” the P.M. said. “Now let me say my piece.”

He got up and walked once around the table before stopping in front of Edklinth.

“You have a very talented colleague. She has hit the nail on the head.”

Edklinth swallowed and nodded. The P.M. turned to the Minister of Justice.

“Get on to the Undersecretary of State and the head of the legal department. By tomorrow morning I want a document drawn up granting the Constitutional Protection Unit extraordinary authority to act in this matter. Their assignment is to determine the truth behind the assertions we have discussed, to gather documentation about its extent, and to identify the individuals responsible or in any way involved. The document must not state that you are conducting a preliminary investigation – I may be wrong, but I think only the Prosecutor General could appoint a preliminary investigation leader in this situation. But I can give you the authority to conduct a one-man investigation. What you are doing is therefore an official public report. Do you understand?”

“Yes. But I should point out that I myself am a former prosecutor.”

“We’ll have to ask the head of the legal department to take a look at this and determine exactly what is formally correct. In any case, you alone are responsible for your investigation. You will choose the assistants you require. If you find evidence of criminal activity, you must turn this information over to the P.G., who will decide on the charges.”

“I’ll have to look up exactly what applies, but I think you’ll have to inform the speaker of parliament and the constitutional committee… This is going to leak out fast,” the Minister of Justice said.

“In other words, we have to work faster,” the P.M. said.

Figuerola raised a hand.

“What is it?” the P.M. said.

“There are two problems remaining. First, will Millennium’s publication clash with our investigation, and second, Lisbeth Salander’s trial will be starting in a couple of weeks.”

“Can we find out when Millennium’s going to publish?”

“We could ask,” Edklinth said. “The last thing we want to do is to interfere with the press.”

“With regard to this girl Salander…” the Minister of Justice began, and then he paused for a moment. “It would be terrible if she really has been subjected to the injustices that Millennium claims. Could it really be possible?”

“I’m afraid it is,” Edklinth said.

“In that case we have to see to it that she is given redress for these wrongs, and above all that she is not subjected to new injustices,” the P.M. said.

“And how would that work?” asked the Minister of Justice. “The government cannot interfere in an ongoing prosecution case. That would be against the law.”

“Could we talk to the prosecutor?”

“No,” Edklinth said. “As Prime Minister you may not influence the judicial process in any way.”

“In other words, Salander will have to take her chances in court,” the Minister of Justice said. “Only if she loses the trial and appeals to the government can the government step in and pardon her or require the P.G. to investigate whether there are grounds for a new trial. But this applies only if she’s sentenced to prison. If she’s sentenced to a secure psychiatric facility, the government cannot do a thing. Then it’s a medical matter, and the Prime Minister has no jurisdiction to determine whether or not she is sane.”

At 10.00 on Friday night, Salander heard the key turn in the door. She instantly switched off her Palm and

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