will answer “only eight-fifty” – the discussion will be determined by that initial level.

The Character of Prediction Errors

Like many biological variables, life expectancy is from Mediocristan, that is, it is subjected to mild randomness. It is not scalable, since the older we get, the less likely we are to live. In a developed country a newborn female is expected to die at around 79, according to insurance tables. When, she reaches her 79th birthday, her life expectancy, assuming that she is in typical health, is another 10 years. At the age of 90, she should have another 4.7 years to go. At the age of 100, 2.5 years. At the age of 119, if she miraculously lives that long, she should have about nine months left. As she lives beyond the expected date of death, the number of additional years to go decreases. This illustrates the major property of random variables related to the bell curve. The conditional expectation of additional life drops as a person gets older.

With human projects and ventures we have another story. These are often scalable, as I said in Chapter 3. With scalable variables, the ones from Extremistan, you will witness the exact opposite effect. Let’s say a project is expected to terminate in 79 days, the same expectation in days as the newborn female has in years. On the 79th day, if the project is not finished, it will be expected to take another 25 days to complete. But on the 90th day, if the project is still not completed, it should have about 58 days to go. On the 100th, it should have 89 days to go. On the 119th, it should have an extra 149 days. On day 600, if the project is not done, you will be expected to need an extra 1,590 days. As you see, the longer you wait, the longer you will be expected to wait.

Let’s say you are a refugee waiting for the return to your homeland. Each day that passes you are getting farther from, not closer to, the day of triumphal return. The same applies to the completion date of your next opera house. If it was expected to take two years, and three years later you are asking questions, do not expect the project to be completed any time soon. If wars last on average six months, and your conflict has been going on for two years, expect another few years of problems. The Arab-Israeli conflict is sixty years old, and counting – yet it was considered “a simple problem” sixty years ago. (Always remember that, in a modern environment, wars last longer and kill more people than is typically planned.) Another example: Say that you send your favorite author a letter, knowing that he is busy and has a two-week turnaround. If three weeks later your mailbox is still empty, do not expect the letter to come tomorrow – it will take on average another three weeks. If three months later you still have nothing, you will have to expect to wait another year. Each day will bring you closer to your death but further from the receipt of the letter.

This subtle but extremely consequential property of scalable randomness is unusually counterintuitive. We misunderstand the logic of large deviations from the norm.

I will get deeper into these properties of scalable randomness in Part Three. But let us say for now that they are central to our misunderstanding of the business of prediction.

DON’T CROSS A RIVER IF IT IS (ON AVERAGE) FOUR FEET DEEP

Corporate and government projections have an additional easy-to-spot flaw: they do not attach a possible error rate to their scenarios. Even in the absence of Black Swans this omission would be a mistake.

I once gave a talk to policy wonks at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, D.C., challenging them to be aware of our weaknesses in seeing ahead.

The attendees were tame and silent. What I was telling them was against everything they believed and stood for; I had gotten carried away with my aggressive message, but they looked thoughtful, compared to the testosterone-charged characters one encounters in business. I felt guilty for my aggressive stance. Few asked questions. The person who organized the talk and invited me must have been pulling a joke on his colleagues. I was like an aggressive atheist making his case in front of a synod of cardinals, while dispensing with the usual formulaic euphemisms.

Yet some members of the audience were sympathetic to the message. One anonymous person (he is employed by a governmental agency) explained to me privately after the talk that in January 2004 his department was forecasting the price of oil for twenty-five years later at $27 a barrel, slightly higher than what it was at the time. Six months later, around June 2004, after oil doubled in, price, they had to revise their estimate to $54 (the price of oil is currently, as I am writing these lines, close to $79 a barrel). It did not dawn on them that it was ludicrous to forecast a second time given that their forecast was off so early and so markedly, that this business of forecasting had to be somehow questioned. And they were looking twenty-five years ahead! Nor did it hit them that there was something called an error rate to take into account.[31]

Forecasting without incorporating an error rate uncovers three fallacies, all arising from the same misconception about the nature of uncertainty.

The first fallacy: variability matters. The first error lies in taking a projection too seriously, without heeding its accuracy. Yet, for planning purposes, the accuracy in your forecast matters far more the forecast itself. I will explain it as follows.

Don’t cross a river if it is four feet deep on average. You would take a different set of clothes on your trip to some remote destination if I told you that the temperature was expected to be seventy degrees Fahrenheit, with an expected error rate of forty degrees than if I told you that my margin of error was only five degrees. The policies we need to make decisions on should depend far more on the range of possible outcomes than on the expected final number. I have seen, while working for a bank, how people project cash flows for companies without wrapping them in the thinnest layer of uncertainty. Go to the stockbroker and check on what method they use to forecast sales ten years ahead to “calibrate” their valuation models. Go find out how analysts forecast government deficits. Go to a bank or security-analysis training program and see how they teach trainees to make assumptions; they do not teach you to build an error rate around those assumptions – but their error rate is so large that it is far more significant than the projection itself!

The second fallacy lies in failing to take into account forecast degradation as the projected period lengthens. We do not realize the full extent of the difference between near and far futures. Yet the degradation in such forecasting through time becomes evident through simple introspective examination – without even recourse to scientific papers, which on this topic are suspiciously rare. Consider forecasts, whether economic or technological, made in 1905 for the following quarter of a century. How close to the projections did 1925 turn out to be? For a convincing experience, go read George Orwell’s 1984. Or look at more recent forecasts made in 1975 about the prospects for the new millennium. Many events have taken place and new technologies have appeared that lay outside the forecasters’ imaginations; many more that were expected to take place or appear did not do so. Our forecast errors have traditionally been enormous, and there may be no reasons for us to believe that we are suddenly in a more privileged position to see into the future compared to our blind predecessors. Forecasting by bureaucrats tends to be used for anxiety relief rather than for adequate policy making.

The third fallacy, and perhaps the gravest, concerns a misunderstanding of the random character of the variables being forecast. Owing to the Black Swan, these variables can accommodate far more optimistic – or far more pessimistic – scenarios than are currently expected. Recall from my experiment with Dan Goldstein testing the domain-specificity of our intuitions, how we tend to make no mistakes in Mediocristan, but make large ones in Extremistan as we do not realize the consequences of the rare event.

What is the implication here? Even if you agree with a given forecast, you have to worry about the real possibility of significant divergence from it. These divergences may be welcomed by a speculator who does not depend on steady income; a retiree, however, with set risk attributes cannot afford such gyrations. I would go even further and, using the argument about the depth of the river, state that it is the lower bound of estimates (i.e., the worst case) that matters when engaging in a policy – the worst case is far more consequential than the forecast itself. This is particularly true if the bad scenario is not acceptable. Yet the current phraseology makes no allowance for that. None.

It is often said that “is wise he who can see things coming”. Perhaps the wise one is the one who knows that he cannot see things far away.

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