In the height example earlier in this chapter, I used units of deviations of ten centimeters, showing how the incidence declined as the height increased. These were one sigma deviations; the height table also provides an example of the operation of “scaling to a sigma” by using the sigma as a unit of measurement.

Those Comforting Assumptions

Note the central assumptions we made in the coin-flip game that led to the proto-Gaussian, or mild randomness.

First central assumption: the flips are independent of one another. The coin has no memory. The fact that you got heads or tails on the previous flip does not change the odds of your getting heads or tails on the next one. You do not become a “better” coin flipper over time. If you introduce memory, or skills in flipping, the entire Gaussian business becomes shaky.

Recall our discussions in Chapter 14 on preferential attachment and cumulative advantage. Both theories assert that winning today makes you more likely to win in the future. Therefore, probabilities are dependent on history, and the first central assumption leading to the Gaussian bell curve fails in reality. In games, of course, past winnings are not supposed to translate into an increased probability of future gains – but not so in real life, which is why I worry about teaching probability from games. But when winning leads to more winning, you are far more likely to see forty wins in a row than with a proto-Gaussian.

Second central assumption: no “wild” jump. The step size in the building block of the basic random walk is always known, namely one step. There is no uncertainty as to the size of the step. We did not encounter situations in which the move varied wildly.

Remember that if either of these two central assumptions is not met, your moves (or coin tosses) will not cumulatively lead to the bell curve. Depending on what happens, they can lead to the wild Mandelbrotian-style scale-invariant randomness.

“The Ubiquity of the Gaussian”

One of the problems I face in life is that whenever I tell people that the Gaussian bell curve is not ubiquitous in real life, only in the minds of statisticians, they require me to “prove it” – which is easy to do, as we will see in the next two chapters, yet nobody has managed to prove the opposite. Whenever I suggest a process that is not Gaussian, I am asked to justify my suggestion and to, beyond the phenomena, “give them the theory behind it”. We saw in Chapter 14 the rich-get-richer models that were proposed in order to justify not using a Gaussian. Modelers were forced to spend their time writing theories on possible models that generate the scalable – as if they needed to be apologetic about it. Theory shmeory! I have an epistemological problem with that, with the need to justify the world’s failure to resemble an idealized model that someone blind to reality has managed to promote.

My technique, instead of studying the possible models generating non-bell curve randomness, hence making the same errors of blind theorizing, is to do the opposite: to know the bell curve as intimately as I can and identify where it can and cannot hold. I know where Mediocristan is. To me it is frequently (nay, almost always) the users of the bell curve who do not understand it well, and have to justify it, and not the opposite.

This ubiquity of the Gaussian is not a property of the world, but a problem in our minds, stemming from the way we look at it.

The next chapter will address the scale invariance of nature and address the properties of the fractal. The chapter after that will probe the misuse of the Gaussian in socioeconomic life and “the need to produce theories”. I sometimes get a little emotional because I’ve spent a large part of my life thinking about this problem. Since I started thinking about it, and conducting a variety of thought experiments as I have above, I have not for the life of me been able to find anyone around me in the business and statistical world who was intellectually consistent in that he both accepted the Black Swan and rejected the Gaussian and Gaussian tools. Many people accepted my Black Swan idea but could not take it to its logical conclusion, which is that you cannot use one single measure for randomness called standard deviation (and call it “risk”); you cannot expect a simple answer to characterize uncertainty. To go the extra step requires courage, commitment, an ability to connect the dots, a desire to understand randomness fully. It also means not accepting other people’s wisdom as gospel. Then I started finding physicists who had rejected the Gaussian tools but fell for another sin: gullibility about precise predictive models, mostly elaborations around the preferential attachment of Chapter 14 – another form of Platonicity. I could not find anyone with depth and scientific technique who looked at the world of randomness and understood its nature, who looked at calculations as an aid, not a principal aim. It took me close to a decade and a half to find that thinker, the man who made many swans gray: Mandelbrot – the great Benoit Mandelbrot.

Chapter Sixteen: THE AESTHETICS OF RANDOMNESS

Mandelbrot’s library – Was Galileo blind? – Pearls to swine – Self-affinity – How the world can be complicated in a simple way, or, perhaps, simple in a very complicated way

THE POET OF RANDOMNESS

It was a melancholic afternoon when I smelled the old books in Benoit Mandelbrot’s library. This was on a hot day in August 2005, and the heat exacerbated the musty odor of the glue of old French books bringing on powerful olfactory nostalgia. I usually succeed in repressing such nostalgic excursions, but not when they sneak up on me as music or smell. The odor of Mandelbrot’s books was that of French literature, of my parents’ library, of the hours spent in bookstores and libraries when I was a teenager when many books around me were (alas) in French, when I thought that Literature was above anything and everything. (I haven’t been in contact with many French books since my teenage days.) However abstract I wanted it to be, Literature had a physical embodiment, it had a smell, and this was it.

The afternoon was also gloomy because Mandelbrot was moving away, exactly when I had become entitled to call him at crazy hours just because I had a question, such as why people didn’t realize that the 80/20 could be 50/01. Mandelbrot had decided to move to the Boston area, not to retire, but to work for a research center sponsored by a national laboratory. Since he was moving to an apartment in Cambridge, and leaving his oversize house in the Westchester suburbs of New York, he had invited me to come take my pick of his books.

Even the titles of the books had a nostalgic ring. I filled up a box with French titles, such as a 1949 copy of Henri Bergson’s Matiere et memoire, which it seemed Mandelbrot bought when he was a student (the smell!).

After having mentioned his name left and right throughout this book, I will finally introduce Mandelbrot, principally as the first person with an academic title with whom I ever spoke about randomness without feeling defrauded. Other mathematicians of probability would throw at me theorems with Russian names such as “Sobolev”, “Kolmogorov”, Wiener measure, without which they were lost; they had a hard time getting to the heart of the subject or exiting their little box long enough to consider its empirical flaws. With Mandelbrot, it was different: it was as if we both originated from the same country, meeting after years of frustrating exile, and were finally able to speak in our mother tongue without straining. He is the only flesh-and-bones teacher I ever had – my teachers are usually books in my library. I had way too little respect for mathematicians dealing with uncertainty and statistics to consider any of them my teachers – in my mind mathematicians, trained for certainties, had no business dealing with randomness. Mandelbrot proved me wrong.

He speaks an unusually precise and formal French, much like that spoken by Levantines of my parents’ generation or Old World aristocrats. This made it odd to hear, on occasion, his accented, but very standard, colloquial American English. He is tall, overweight, which makes him look baby-faced (although I’ve never seen him eat a large meal), and has a strong physical presence.

From the outside one would think that what Mandelbrot and I have in common is wild uncertainty, Black Swans, and dull (and sometimes less dull) statistical notions. But, although we are collaborators, this is not what

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