have been engaged in this industry. [4 Thus in regard to another village (not mentioned either by Relandus or Neubauer) in the Midr. on Lament, ii. 2, ed. Warsh. p. 67 b, line 13 from bottom.] It was also reputed for its traffic inturtle-doves and pigeons for purifications, tradition, with its usual exaggeration of numbers, mentioning three hundred such shops. [Midr. on Lament, ii. 2.] Accordingly, its wealth was very great, and it is named among the three cities whose contributions were so large as to be sent in a wagon to Jerusalem, [e Jer. Taan. 69 a.] But its moral corruption was also great, and to this the Rabbis attributed its final destruction, [f Jer. Taan. u.s.; Midr. on Lament, ii. 2, ed. Warsh. p. 67 b middle.] Magdala had a Synagogue, [g Midr. on Eccl. x. 8, ed. Warsh p. 102 b.] [5 This Synagogue is introduced in the almost blasphemous account of the miracles of Simon ben Jochai, when he declared Tiberias free from the defilement of dead bodies, buried there.] Its name was probably derived from a strong towerwhich defended its approaches, or served for outlook. This suggestion is supported by the circumstance, that what seems to have formed part, or a suburb of Magdala, [6 This has been well shown by Neubauer, Geogr. de la Palestine, pp. 217, 218.] bore the names of'Fish-tower' and 'Tower of the Dyers.' One at least, if not both these towers, would be near the landing-place, by the Lake of Galilee, and overlook its waters. The necessity for such places of outlook and defence, making the town a Magdala, would be increased by the proximity of the magnificent plain of Gennesaret, of which Josephus speaks in such rapturous terms, [h Jewish War iii. 10.] Moreover, only twenty minutes to the north of Magdala descended the so-called 'Valley of Doves' (the Wady Hamam), through which passed the ancient caravan-road that led over Nazareth to Damascus. The name 'valley of doves' illustrates
the substantial accuracy of the Rabbinic descriptions of ancient Magdala. Modern travelers (such as Dean Stanley, Professor Robinson, Farrar, and others) have noticed the strange designation 'Valley of Doves' without being able to suggest the explanation of it, which the knowledge of its traffic in doves for purposes of purification at once supplies. Of the many towns and villages that dotted the shores of the Lake of Galilee, all have passed away except Magdala, which is still represented by the collection of mud hovels that bears the name of Mejdel. The ancient watch-tower which gave the place its name is still there, probably standing on the same site as that which looked down on Jesus and the Magdalene. To this day Magdala is celebrated for its springs and rivulets, which render it specially suitable for dyeworks; while the shell-fish with which these waters and the Lake are said to abound, [a Baedeker's Palastina, pp. 268, 269.] might supply some of the dye. [1 It is at any rate remarkable that the Talmud (Megill. 6 a) finds in the ancient territory of Zebulun the Chilzon ( ) so largely used in dyeing purple and scarlet, and so very precious. Spurious dyes of the same colour were also produced (comp. Lewysohn, Zool. d. Talm. pp. 281-283).]
Such details may help us more clearly to realise the home, and with it, perhaps, also the upbringing and circumstances of her who not only ministered to Jesus in His Life, but, with eager avarice of love, watched 'afar off His dying moments, [b St. Matt, xxvii. 56.] and then sat over against the new tomb of Joseph in which His Body was laid, [c ver. 61.] And the terrible time which followed she spent with her like-minded friends, who in Galilee had ministered to Christ, [d St. Luke xxiii. 55.] in preparing those 'spices and ointments' [e ver. 56.] which the Risen Saviour would never require.For, on that Easter-morning the empty tomb of Jesus was only guarded by Angel- messengers, who announced to the Magdalene and Joanna, as well as the other women, [f St. Luke xxiv. 10.] the gladsome tidings that His foretold Resurrection had become a reality. But however difficult the circumstances may have been, in which the Magdalene came to profess her faith in Jesus, those of Joanna (the Hebrew Yochani [g Seb. 62 b.]) must have been even more trying. She was the wife of Chuza, Herod's Steward [2 Curiously enough, the Greek term (steward) has passed into the Rabbinic Aphiterophos.] possibly, though not likely, the Court-official whose son Jesus had healed by the word spoken in Cana. [h St. John iv. 46-54.] The absence of any reference to the event seems rather opposed to this supposition. Indeed, it seems doubtful, whether Chuza was a Jewish name. In Jewish writings [3 Delitzsch (Zeitsch. fur Luther Theol. for 1876, p. 598), seems to regard Kuzith ( ) as the Jewish equivalent of Chuza. The word is mentioned in the Aruch (ed. Landau, p. 801 b, where the references, however, are misquoted) as occurring in Ber. R. 23 and 51. No existing copy of the Midrash has these references, which seem to have been purposely omitted. It is curious that both occur in connection with Messianic passages. In any case, however, Kuzith was not a proper name, but some mystic designation. Lightfoot (Horae Hebr. on Luke viii. 3) reads in the genealogy of Haman (in Sopher. xiii. 6) Bar Kuza. But it is really Bar Biza, 'son of contempt', all the names being intended as defamatory of Haman. Similarly, Lightfoot asserts that the designation does not occur in the genealogy of Haman in the Targum Esther. But in the Second Targum Esther (Miqraoth Gedol. Part vi. p. 5 a) the name does occur in the genealogy as 'Bar Buzah.'] the designation () [i Yebam. 70 a.] seems rather used as a by-name ('little pitcher') for a small, insignificant person, than as a proper name. [1 Dr. Neubauer (Studia Bibl. p. 225) regards Chuza as an Idumaean name, connected with the Edomite god Kos.] Only one other of those who ministered to Jesus is mentioned by name. It is Susanna, the 'lily.' The names of the other loving women are not written on the page of earth's history, but only on that of the 'Lamb's Book of Life.' And they 'ministered to Him of their substance.' So early did
eternal riches appear in the grab of poverty; so soon did love to Christ find its treasure in consecrating it to His Ministry. And ever since has this been the law of His Kingdom, to our great humiliation and yet greater exaltation in fellowship with Him.
It was on this return-journey to Capernaum, probably not far from the latter place, that the two blind men had their sight restored, [a St. Matt. ix. 27-31.] It was then, also, that the healing of the demonised dumb took place, which is recorded in St. Matt. ix. 32-35, and alluded to in St. Mark iii. 22-30. This narrative must, of course, not be confounded with the somewhat similar event told in St. Matt. xii. 22-32, and in St. Luke xi. 14-26. The latter occurred at a much later period in our Lord's life, when, as the whole context shows, the opposition of the Pharisaic party had assumed much larger proportions, and the language of Jesus was more fully denunciatory of the character and guilt of His enemies. That charge of the Pharisees, therefore, that Jesus cast out the demons through the Prince of the demons, [b St. Matt. ix. 34.] as well as His reply to it, will best be considered when it shall appear in its fullest development. This all the more, that we believe at least the greater part of our Lord's answer to their blasphemous accusation, as given in St. Mark's Gospel, [c St. Mark iii. 23-30.] to have beenspoken at that later period. [2 I regard St. Mark iii. 23-30 as combining the event in St. Matt. ix. (see St. Mark iii. 23) with what is recorded in St. Matt. xii. and St. Luke xi., and I account for this combination by the circumstance that the latter is not related by St. Mark.]
It was on this return-journey to Capernaum from the uttermost borders of Galilee, when for the first time He was not only followed by His twelve Apostles, but attended by the loving service of those who owed their all to His Ministry, that the demonized dumb was restored by the casting our of the demon. Even these circumstances show that a new stage in the Messianic course had begun. It is characterised by fuller unfolding of Christ's teaching and working, and pari passu, by more fully developed opposition of the Pharisaic party. For the two went together, nor can they be distinguished as cause or effect. That new stage, as repeatedly noted, had opened on His return from the 'Unknown Feast' in Jerusalem, whence He seems to have been followed by the Pharisaic party. We have marked it so early as the call of the four disciples by the Lake of Galilee. But it first activety appeared at the healing of the paralytic in Capernaum, when, for the first time, we noticed the presence and murmuring of the Scribes, and, for the first time also, the distinct declaration about the forgiveness of sins on the part of Jesus. The same twofold element appeared in the call of the publican Matthew, and the cavil of the Pharisees at Christ's subsequent eating and drinking with 'sinners.' It was in further development of this separation from the old and now hostile element, that the twelve Apostles were next appointed, and that distinctive teaching of Jesus addressed to the people in the 'Sermon on the Mount,' which was alike a vindication and an appeal. On the journey through Galilee, which now followed, the hostile party does not seem to have actually attended Jesus; but their growing, and now outspoken opposition is heard in the discourse of Christ about John the Baptist after the dismissal of his disciples, [a St. Matt. xi. 16-19.] while its influence appears in the unspoken thoughts of Simon the Pharisee.
But even before these two events, that had happened which would induce the Pharisaic party to increased measures against Jesus. It has already been suggested, that the party, as such, did not attend Jesus on His Galilean journey. But we are emphatically told, that tidings of the raising of the dead at Nain had gone forth into Judaea, [b St. Luke vii. 17.] No doubt they reached the leaders at Jerusalem. There seems just sufficient time between this and the healing of the demonised dumb
on the return-journey to Capernaum, to account for the presence there of those Pharisees, [c St. Matt. ix. 34.] who are expressly described by St. Mark [d St. Mark iii. 32.] as 'the Scribes which came down from Jerusalem.'
Other circumstances, also, are thus explained. Whatever view the leaders at Jerusalem may have taken of
