Washington, DC
The President's office was bright with the sun, but dark with anger and—more than a little—with despair, frustration and sheer worry. Things were simply
Privately, Rottemeyer thought of her Cabinet as the 'Four F's': 'flunkies, flics, flacs and fairies.' The first three described, respectively, those who did her job for her, those who arrested those who made her job more difficult, and those who dealt with the press. The last, the 'fairies,' were scattered about the first three groups, each 'fairy' representing cash payment for the unquestioning support given Rottemeyer by much of the extremely influential gay community.
As the herd of 'Four F's' droned on, Rottemeyer had rotated her chair around, in seeming contempt for her Cabinet. Still, eyes fixed elsewhere, her ears listened intently to what was being said . . . listened, and didn't like what they heard.
Treasury spoke last and to the President's back. 'To my mind, Madam President, the most dangerous things the Texans have done are fiscal. General McCreavy can worry about their having increased their defense forces. I am not worried about that. Ultimately, even she agrees we could handle that problem, if not easily.
'The attorney general fears a breakdown of law and order across the country. That's specious nonsense; sorry. The Texans appear to be doing a fine job of controlling crime within their borders without any federal help. Though, with recent round-ups there, I concede that some Texan criminals are fleeing that state for the other forty- nine.
'The surgeon general's office worries about abortion rights. I think we can safely say that any Texan woman who wants an abortion can easily go to Oklahoma or Louisiana to get one. Women in New York, contrarily, seem safe from being forced to go to Texas to prevent them from having one. They can already not have one, even in New York, if they wish.
'The secretary of state worries about our influence in the world waning when we cannot exercise full power here at home. I submit to you, Madame President, that if we fail to exercise full power at home then to hell with our influence in the world.
'But this nullification of the income tax and other taxes? The grabbing of the Western Currency Facility? These are potentially disastrous.'
Rottemeyer swung her chair around. 'Explain,' she demanded.
Treasury sighed. He knew the President was fully aware of what he was about to say. Yet, still, it had to be stated, and clearly.
'Texas provides something like seven point six percent of federal revenues. A good portion of that goes back to the state, of course, in the form of federal aid. Yet, overall, taxation of Texas and Texans is a profit-making endeavor for the federal government. About a six-cent profit on the dollar. Money from there, other less populated and more conservative states too, goes to paying for social programs all over the rest of the country. Madam President, your continued popularity with the voters depends on those programs.'
Around the table heads nodded soberly. Few in Willi's Cabinet had any real illusions that her popularity and power—their own power as well—was, except for a small hard core, anything but bought and paid for through federal largesse. Certainly they had no doubt that it would not survive a significant decrease in federal payouts.
Treasury looked from face to face. Yes, he saw. He had the Cabinet's agreement, by and large. Even the attorney and surgeon generals, State and Interior, agreed.
'We can continue to print money, of course, and write checks that have no tax money to back them. That doesn't matter, per se. Yet the effect of doing so will be increased inflation, indirect taxation if you will. And
Rottemeyer scowled, 'Can it, Seymour. In about five years. But these are all
Plenty of time to head off that problem. Next?'
Treasury tried to go on in that vein. 'But Madame President, my predictions—'
'Doesn't matter much what they predict, Willi,' drawled Carroll. 'I can tell you what our time limit is just like
With this logic Rottemeyer agreed. They had until the next election.
Turning to Carroll, she asked, 'Suppose everything Treasury says is true. The increased taxation, the inflation, the shortened revenues;
' 'Cause they hate our guts, Willi. Simple as that. Did you know that Louisiana, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Alabama and Mississippi have put guards around the houses of the state commissioners you appointed over them? 'To secure their persons,' that's pretty much what those states say. Horseshit! They're under house arrest plain and simple. Arizona's and New Mexico's legislatures went into special session last night to debate nullifying the income tax in those states. I don't think those measures will pass, not yet. But, Willi, they hate us. And if we don't control this thing we're all going to end up with ropes around our necks.' Carroll laughed aloud to see three cabinet members unconsciously reach fingers up to massage necks still unstretched.
State consciously removed his fingers from his neck in embarrassment. 'There's one way to bring them around, Madam President; a foreign war or crises. That would not only justify any measures we care to take, but would also justify . . . excuse anyway . . . any new taxes or inflation. Moreover, Texas is full of patriotic types, whatever their objections to our philosophy of government. If this crisis were to turn into a disaster . . .'
McCreavy's face grew instantly red and hot. 'Are you suggesting we ought to send American troops somewhere to get killed just to turn the Texans' anger away from the President and toward some foreign group?' she asked, furiously.
Rottemeyer made her familiar pat-pat pacifying motion with her hand. 'Calm down, Caroline. He's merely