Broca's Brain: The Romance of Science

dwarf stars the density of matter far transcends anything of which we have terrestrial experience; in the Companion of Sirius, for example, the density is about a ton to the cubic inch. This condition is explained by the fact that the high temperature and correspondingly intense agitation of the material breaks up (ionises) the outer electron system of the atoms, so that the fragments can be packed much more closely together.” Within a year of its 1928 publication, this book saw ten reprintings in English. It was translated into many languages, including French. The idea that white dwarfs were made of electron degenerate matter had been proposed by R. H. Fowler in 1925 and quickly accepted. On the other hand, the proposal that white dwarfs were made of “relativistically degenerate” matter was first made in the period 1934 to 1937, in Great Britain, by the Indian astrophysicist S. Chandrasekhar; the idea was greeted with substantial skepticism by astronomers who had not grown up with quantum mechanics. One of the most vigorous skeptics was Eddington. The debate was covered in the scientific press and was accessible to the intelligent layman. All this was occurring just before Griaule encountered the Dogon Sirius legend.

In my mind’s eye I picture a Gallic visitor to the Dogon people, in what was then French West Africa, in the early part of this century. He may have been a diplomat, an explorer, an adventurer or an early anthropologist Such people-for example, Richard Francis Burton-were in West Africa many decades earlier. The conversation turns to astronomical lore. Sirius is the brightest star in the sky. The Dogon regale the visitor with their Sirius mythology. Then, smiling politely, expectantly, they inquire of their visitor what his Sirius myths might be. Perhaps he refers before answering to a well-worn book in his baggage. The white dwarf companion of Sirius being a current astronomical sensation, the traveler exchanges a spectacular myth for a routine one. After he leaves, his account is remembered, retold, and eventually incorporated into the corpus of Dogon mythology-or at least into a collateral branch (perhaps filed under “Sirius myths, bleached peoples’ account”). When Marcel Griaule makes mythological inquiries in the 1930s and 1940s, he has his own European Sirius myth played back to him.

THIS FULL-CYCLE RETURN of a myth to its culture of origin through an unwary anthropologist might sound unlikely if there were not so many examples of it in anthropological lore. I here recount a few cases:

In the first decade of the twentieth century a neophyte anthropologist was collecting accounts of ancient traditions from Native American populations in the Southwest. His concern was to write down the traditions, almost exclusively oral, before they vanished altogether. The young Native Americans had already lost appreciable contact with their heritage, and the anthropologist concentrated on elderly members of the tribe. One day he found himself sitting outside a hogan with an aged but lively and cooperative informant.

“Tell me about the ceremonies of your ancestors at the birth of a child.”

“Just one moment.”

The old Indian slowly shuffled into the darkened depths of the hogan. After a fifteen-minute interval he reappeared with a remarkably useful and detailed description of postpartum ceremonials, including rituals connected with breach presentation, afterbirth, umbilical cord, first breath and first cry. Encouraged and writing feverishly, the anthropologist systematically went through the full list of rites of passage, including puberty, marriage, childbearing and death. In each case the informant disappeared into the hogan only to emerge a quarter of an hour later with a rich set of answers. The anthropologist was astonished. Could, he wondered, there be a yet older informant, perhaps infirm and bedriden, within the hogan? Eventually he could resist no longer and summoned the courage to ask his informant what he did at each retreat into the hogan. The old man smiled, withdrew for the last time, and returned clutching a well-thumbed volume of the Dictionary of American Ethnography, which had been compiled by anthropologists in the previous decade. The poor white man, he must have thought, is eager, well-meaning and ignorant. He does not have a copy of this marvelous book which contains the traditions of my people. I shall tell him what it says.

My other two stories recount the adventures of an extraordinary physician, Dr. D. Carleton Gajdusek, who for many years has studied kuru, a rare viral disease, among the inhabitants of New Guinea. For this work he was the recipient of the 1976 Nobel Prize for Medicine. I am grateful to Dr. Gajdusek for taking the trouble to check my memory of his stories, which I first heard from him many years ago. New Guinea is an island on which mountainous terrain separates-in a manner similar to but more completely than the mountains of ancient Greece-one valley people from another. As a result there is a great profusion and variety of cultural traditions.

In the spring of 1957 Gajdusek and Dr. Vincent Zigas, a medical officer with the Public Health Service of what was then called the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, traveled with an Australian administrative patrol officer from the Purosa Valley through the ranges of the South Fore cultural and linguistic-group region to the village of Agakamatasa on an exploratory visit into “uncontrolled territory.” Stone implements were still in use, and there remained a tradition of cannibalism within one’s own living group. Gajdusek and his party found cases of kuru, which is spread by cannibalism (but most often not through the digestive tract), in this most remote of the South Fore villages. They decided to spend a few days, moving into one of the large and traditional wa’e, or men’s houses (the music from one of which, incidentally, was sent to the stars on the Voyager phonograph record). The windowless, low-doored, smoky thatched house was partitioned so that the visitors could neither stand erect nor stretch out. It was divided into many sleeping compartments, each with its own small fire, around which men and boys would huddle in groups to sleep and keep warm during the cold nights at an elevation of more than 6,000 feet, an altitude higher than Denver. To accommodate their visitors, the men and boys gleefully tore out the interior structure of half of the ceremonial men’s house, and during two days and nights of pouring rain Gajdusek and his companions were housebound on a high, windswept, cloud-covered ridge. The young Fore initiates wore bark strands braided into their hair, which was covered with pig grease. They wore huge nose pieces, the penises of pigs as armbands, and the genitalia of opossums and tree-climbing kangaroos as pendants around their necks.

The hosts sang their traditional songs all through the first night and on through the following rainy day. In return, “to enhance our rapport with them,” as Gajdusek says, “we began to sing songs in exchange-among them such Russian songs as ‘Otchi chornye,’ and ‘Moi kostyor v tumane svetit’…” This was received very well, and the Agakamatasa villagers requested many dozens of repetitions in the smoky South Fore longhouse to the accompaniment of the driving rainstorm.

Some years later Gajdusek was engaged in the collection of indigenous music in another part of the South Fore region and asked a group of young men to run through their repertoire of traditional songs. To Gajdusek’s amazement and amusement, they produced a somewhat altered but still clearly recognizable version of “Otchi chornye.” Many of the singers apparently thought the song traditional, and later still Gajdusek found the song imported even farther afield, with none of the singers having any idea of its source.

We can easily imagine some sort of world ethnomusicology survey coming to an exceptionally obscure part of New Guinea and discovering that the natives had a traditional song which sounded in rhythm, music and words remarkably like “Otchi chornye.” If they were to believe that no previous contact of Westerners with these people had occurred, a great mystery could be posited.

Later that same year Gajdusek was visited by several Australian physicians, eager to understand the remarkable findings about the transmission of kuru from patient to patient by cannibalism. Gajdusek described the theories of the origin of many diseases held by the Fore people, who did not believe that illnesses were caused by the spirits of the dead or that malicious deceased relatives, jealous of the living, inflicted disease on those of their surviving kinsmen who offended them, as the pioneering anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski had recounted for the coastal peoples of Melanesia. Instead, the Fore attributed most diseases to malicious sorcery, which any offended and avenging male, young or old, could execute without the aid of specially trained sorcerers. There was a special sorcery explanation for kuru, but also for chronic lung disease, leprosy, yaws, and so on. These beliefs had been long-established and firmly held, but as the Fore people witnessed yaws yielding entirely to the penicillin injections of Gajdusek and his group, they quickly agreed that the sorcery explanation of yaws was in error and abandoned it; it has never resurfaced in subsequent years. (I wish Westerners would be as quick to abandon obsolete or erroneous social ideas as the Fore of New Guinea.) Modern treatment of leprosy caused its sorcery explanation to disappear as well, although more slowly, and the Fore people today laugh at these backward early opinions on yaws and leprosy. But the traditional views on the origin of kuru have maintained themselves, since the Westerners have been unable to cure or explain, in a manner satisfactory to them, the origin and nature of this disease. Thus, the Fore people remain intensely skeptical of Western explanations for kuru and retain firmly their view that malicious sorcery is the cause.

One of the Australian physicians, visiting an adjacent village with one of Gajdusek’s native informants as translator, spent the day examining kuru patients and independently acquiring information. He returned the same