Broca's Brain: The Romance of Science

Campbell had called their existence in question, were again seen and identified with certainty by Professor Wilsing and myself.” The amount of water vapor in the Martian atmosphere that is now known to exist would have been entirely indetectable by the spectroscopic methods then in use.

Spectroscopy was a dominant element in late-nineteenth-century science. Ap. J. was busily publishing Rowland’s solar spectrum, which ran to 20,000 wavelengths, each to seven significant figures. It published a major obituary of Bunsen. Occasionally the astronomers took note of the extraordinary nature of their discoveries: “It is simply amazing that the feeble twinkling light of a star can be made to produce such an autographic record of substance and condition of the inconceivably distant luminary.” A major topic of debate for the Astrophysical Journal was whether spectra should be shown with red to the left or to the right. Those who favored red to the left cited the analogy of the piano (where high frequencies are to the right), but Ap. J. opted gamely for red to the right. Some room for compromise was available on whether, in lists of wavelengths, red should be at the top or at the bottom. Feelings ran high, and Huggins wrote to say that “any change… would be little less than intolerable.” But the Ap. J. won anyway.

Another major discussion in this period was on the nature of sunspots. G. Johnstone Stoney proposed that they were caused by a layer of condensed clouds in the photosphere of the Sun. But Wilson and FitzGerald objected to this on the ground that no conceivable condensates could exist at these high temperatures, with the possible exception of carbon. They suggested instead and very vaguely that sunspots are due to “reflection by convection streams of gas.” Evershed had a more ingenious idea. He thought that sunspots were holes in the outer photosphere of the Sun, permitting us to see to much greater and hotter depths. But why are they dark? He proposed that all the radiation would be moved from the visible to the inaccessible ultraviolet. This, of course, was before the Planck distribution of radiation from a hot object was understood. It was not at this time thought impossible that the spectral distributions of black bodies of different temperatures should cross; and some experimental curves of this period indeed showed such crossing-due, as we now know, to emissivity and absorptivity differences.

Ramsay had recently discovered the element krypton, which was said to have, among fourteen detectable spectral lines, one at 5570 A, coincident with “the principal line of the aurora.” E. B. Frost concluded: “Thus it seems that the true origin of that hitherto perplexing line has been discovered.” We now know it is due to oxygen.

There were a great many papers on instrumental design, one of the more interesting being by Hale. In January 1897 he suggested that both refracting and reflecting telescopes were needed, but noted that there was a clear movement toward reflectors, especially equatorial coude telescopes. In a historical memoir, Hale mentions that the 40-inch lens was available to the Yerkes Observatory only because a previous plan to build a large refractor near Pasadena, California, had fallen through. What, I wonder, would the history of astronomy have been like if the plan had succeeded? Curiously enough, Pasadena seems to have made an offer to the University of Chicago to have the Yerkes Observatory situated there. It would have been a long commute for 1897.

AT THE END of the nineteenth century, solar system studies displayed the same mixture of future promise and current confusion that the stellar work did. One of the most notable papers of the period, by Henry Norris Russell, is called “The Atmosphere of Venus.” It is a discussion of the extension of the cusps of the crescent Venus, based in part on the author’s observations with the 5-inch finder telescope of the “great equatorial” of the Halsted Observatory at Princeton. Perhaps the young Russell was not yet considered fully reliable operating larger telescopes at Princeton. The essence of the analysis is correct by present standards. Russell concluded that refraction of sunlight was not responsible for the extension of the cusps, and that the cause was to be found in the scattering of sunlight: “… the atmosphere of Venus, like our own, contains suspended particles of dust or fog of some sort, and… what we see is the upper part of this hazy atmosphere, illuminated by rays that have passed close to the planet’s surface.” He later says that the apparent surface may be a dense cloud layer. The height of the haze is calculated as about 1 kilometer above what we would now call the main cloud deck, a number that is just consistent with limb photography by the Mariner 10 spacecraft. Russell thought, from the work of others, that there was some spectroscopic evidence for water vapor and oxygen in a thin Venus atmosphere. But the essence of his argument has stood the test of time remarkably well.

William H. Pickering’s discovery of Phoebe, the outermost satellite of Saturn, was announced; and Andrew E. Douglass of the Lowell Observatory published observations that led him to conclude that Jupiter 3 rotates about one hour slower than its period of revolution, a conclusion incorrect by one hour.

Others who estimated periods of rotation were not quite so successful. For example, there was a Leo Brenner who observed from the Manora Observatory in a place called Lussinpiccolo. Brenner severely criticized Percival Lowell’s estimate of the rotation period of Venus. Brenner himself compared two drawings of Venus in white light made by two different people four years apart-from which he deduced a rotation period of 23 hours, 57 minutes and 36.37728 seconds, which he said agreed well with the mean of his own “most reliable” drawings. Considering this, Brenner found it incomprehensible that there could still be partisans of a 224.7-day rotation period and concluded that “an inexperienced observer, an unsuitable telescope, an unhappily chosen eyepiece, a very small diameter of the planet, observed with an insufficient power, and a low declination, all together explained Mr. Lowell’s peculiar drawings.” The truth, of course, lies not between the extremes of Lowell and Brenner, but rather at the other end of the scale, with a minus sign, a retrograde period of 243 days.

In another communication Herr Brenner begins: “Gentlemen: I have the honor to inform you that Mrs. Manora has discovered a new division in the Saturnian ring system”-from which we discover that there is a Mrs. Manora at the Manora Observatory in Lussinpiccolo and that she performs observations along with Herr Brenner. Then follows a description of how the Encke, Cassini, Antoniadi, Strove and Manora divisions are all to be kept straight. Only the first two have stood the test of time. Herr Brenner seems to have faded into the mists of the nineteenth century.

AT THE SECOND CONFERENCE of Astronomers and Astrophysicists at Cambridge, there was a paper on the “suggestion” that asteroid rotation, if any, might be deduced from a light curve. But no variation of the brightness with time was found, and Henry Parkhurst concluded: “I think it is safe to dismiss the theory.” It is now a cornerstone of asteroid studies.

In a discussion of the thermal properties of the Moon, made independently of the one-dimensional equation of heat conduction but based on laboratory emissivity measurements, Frank Very concluded that a typical lunar daytime temperature is about 100°C-exactly the right answer. His conclusion is worth quoting: “Only the most terrible of Earth’s deserts where the burning sands blister the skin, and the men, beasts, and birds drop dead, can approach noontide on the cloudless surface of our satellite. Only the extreme polar latitudes of the Moon can have an endurable temperature by day, to say nothing of the night, when we should have to become troglodytes to preserve ourselves from such intense cold.” The expository styles were often fine.

Earlier in the decade, Maurice Loewy and Pierre Puiseux at the Paris Observatory had published an atlas of lunar photographs, the theoretical consequences of which were discussed in Ap. J. (5:51). The Paris group proposed a modified volcanic theory for the origin of the lunar craters, rills and other topographic forms, which was later criticized by E. E. Barnard after he examined the planet with the 40-inch telescope. Barnard was then criticized by the Royal Astronomical Society for his criticism, and so on. One of the arguments in this debate had a deceptive simplicity: volcanoes produce water; there is no water on the moon; therefore the lunar craters are not volcanic. While most of the lunar craters are not volcanic, this is not a convincing argument because it neglects the problem of possible repositories for water. Very’s conclusions on the temperature of the lunar poles could have been read with some profit. Water there freezes out as frost. The other possibility is that water might escape from the Moon to space.

This was recognized by Stoney in a remarkable paper called “Of Atmospheres upon Planets and Satellites.” He deduced that there should be no lunar atmosphere because of the very rapid escape to space of gases from the low lunar gravity, or any large build-up of the lightest gases, hydrogen and helium, on Earth. He believed that there was no water vapor in the Martian atmosphere and that Mars’ atmosphere and caps were probably carbon dioxide. He implied that hydrogen and helium were to be expected on Jupiter, and that Triton, the largest moon of Neptune, might have an atmosphere. Each of these conclusions is in accord with present-day findings or opinions. He also concluded that Titan should be airless, a prediction with which some modern theorists agree-although Titan seems to have another view of the matter (see Chapter 13).

In this period there are also a few breath-taking speculations, such as one by the Rev. J. M. Bacon that it would