Martin left his office at ten o’clock in order to cover the protest scheduled for noon outside the Majlis, but by the time he and Behrouz arrived at Baharestan Square the crowd already filled the street and they could get no closer than the Mosque of Sepahsalar, a hundred metres south of the centre of the gathering. Martin’s permit to travel to Shiraz had, unsurprisingly, come too late for him to cover the big march there the week before, but it looked as if the Tehranis were determined to outdo their cousins and reclaim the record for the biggest demonstration since the fall of the Shah. Police lined the street, and though they were heavily outnumbered and were not intervening so far, every one of the protesters would be aware of the bashings and shootings by militia in this very location, just three years before. Simply being here took a great deal of courage.
The Mosque of Sepahsalar also functioned as a madrassa, and Martin took the opportunity to buttonhole a few of the young men who were squeezing their way through the crowd to reach its gates. Most of these pious Islamic students turned out to be noncommittal, rather than angrily opposed to the protests. ‘The people have many legitimate grievances,’ one ventured. ‘I won’t march with them, but they deserve to be heard.’ The uprising had become far too broad to be dismissed as a conspiracy of traitors and stooges; apart from a solid core of die- hard loyalists who refused to accept any criticism of the regime, many conservative Iranians had started to take a highly jaundiced view of the status quo. Once your children had been jobless for a decade, the streets were flooded with heroin and the guardians of morality had proven themselves to be hypocrites, what was left to fear from reformists who preached transparency and offered new economic ideas?
Certainly the demographics were changing: this crowd was dotted with grey-haired men in suit coats, and there were quite a few middle-aged women. Most of the latter declined to be interviewed, but Martin managed to get a quote from one woman who looked to be in her fifties. ‘I marched against the Shah,’ Behrouz translated, ‘because he shot his own people and imprisoned his opponents. Why wouldn’t I march against thugs in clerical robes who think they can settle disputes the same way?’
Given that she was willing to speak so plainly, Martin decided to risk asking her opinion of Jabari.
She smiled. ‘Really, I don’t care about that stupid man. It gives us all some encouragement to see a tyrant with his trousers around his ankles, but having seen it once we don’t need to stop and stare.’
Martin had been trying to wend his way through the crowd towards the Majlis as he fished for vox pops, but a steady stream of people were squeezing in from other directions, and he still couldn’t catch a glimpse of the parliament’s distinctive pyramid-shaped chamber. Whether or not the symbolism was intentional, the architectural heart of Iranian democracy was dwarfed and obscured by the tall, rectangular towers full of government offices that rose up beside it, so you could only see the thing itself if you were standing directly in front of it.
Still, he’d come within sight of the core of the protest, where placards and banners were thicker on the ground. The original slogan – New Election Now! – had been replaced by a single word: Referendum! That might have sounded tame to outsiders, or just plain cryptic, but no Iranian would be in any doubt as to what it meant. The 1979 referendum had approved the present constitution; to call for a new referendum was to call for a change in the whole system of government.
Martin’s phone emitted a forlorn beep. He took it from his pocket, expecting to find that the battery was flat, but the message on the screen read NO SIGNAL.
He held it up to Behrouz. ‘What about yours?’
Behrouz checked. ‘Same thing. It looks like they’ve shut down the phones.’
Martin felt a chill in the pit of his stomach. Blocking internet access had made it harder for the protesters to organise, but text messages and phone trees were better than nothing. Now the movement had lost all communications, just when it needed to be able to respond to events as rapidly as possible.
There was a squawk of feedback from a public address system, then a voice reached them, so distorted by the dodgy amplifier and overlaid with echoes from the surrounding buildings that Martin couldn’t even make out his usual one word in three. Behrouz did his best to give a running translation, staying close to Martin and keeping his voice low to avoid annoying the people beside them, who were straining to hear the original.
The protest organiser welcomed the crowd and commended them for their courage, bringing an answering roar of approval: ‘Bale!’
‘And because we are brave, we will be peaceful!’
‘Bale!’
‘And because we are peaceful, the people will listen!’
‘Bale!’
‘And because they listen, they will join us!’
‘Bale!’ The last cheer was deafening, and Martin felt an intoxicating wave of optimism sweep through the crowd. A rush and a push and the land is ours? The regime still had tens of millions of supporters, and loyal militias ready to deal with dissent just as brutally as they had the last time. But while part of his mind clung to those dismal facts, the sound of some hundred thousand people shouting in unison made him feel that anything was possible.
All of this was just a warm-up act; the unnamed organiser announced that a distinguished speaker would now address the gathering. Before the introduction was complete, Martin could hear applause breaking out closer to the podium.
‘We welcome Mr Dariush Ansari, founder of Hezb-e-Haalaa!’
As Martin scanned the crowd he spotted a handful of people whose greeting looked distinctly lukewarm, though there were not as many as he would have expected. Ansari’s conciliatory foreign policy did not endear him to everyone who was simply weary of the regime, but he was the first politician to address one of these rallies, so perhaps people would give him credit for that. Thirty student leaders and more than two hundred demonstrators were already in prison; seven people had died in clashes with the militias. What he was doing carried no small risk.
‘In the name of God, the compassionate, the merciful,’ Ansari began; the familiar words of the bismillah needed no translation. ‘I am honoured by the invitation to speak here today, at this peaceful gathering of my fellow Iranians. I was in Shiraz last week – not to speak, only to listen – and I can tell you that whatever you read in certain newspapers, the people there were peaceful too. The shop-keepers whose windows were broken should send their accounts to the Ministry of the Interior.’
That attracted some wry laughter from the crowd and even a few embarrassed smiles from the police, who had already formed a protective human chain in front of a long row of nearly identical establishments specialising in men’s shoes. Martin wasn’t sure that anyone would feel better to be reminded that they too could expect to be blamed for the vandalism of provocateurs; then again, maybe a bit of pre-emptive truth-telling would ease their frustration in the face of that inevitable libel.
Ansari continued in this unassuming fashion. He was no fire-brand, but nor did he drone on interminably; Martin’s attention had wandered for only a few seconds before Ansari had come to the point.
‘If my brother is behaving in a way that troubles me, I might speak to a mullah and ask his advice. If I’m contemplating a business deal and my conscience can’t decide if it’s fair to everyone, perhaps a mullah can assist me. After all, it’s his job to have studied the Qur’an and the Hadith, to have thought deeply about many complex moral questions, to have refined his ideas by disputation with his colleagues.
‘But it is a very different thing to hand the mullah a machine-gun, an army, a prison, and tell him: if anyone questions your power, silence him. After more than thirty years, we have seen with our own eyes what the consequences are: the weight of all their weapons and privileges has dragged the mullahs down so they are no closer to God than anyone else.
‘I believe the time has come for us to take responsibility for our own lives before God. The advice of true scholars should always be welcome, but let them live like scholars, not rule like kings. We need to prise open this closed system that protects itself from all possibility of change-’
Ansari broke off. Martin couldn’t see what was happening, but the people who could were remaining silent and orderly, so it was unlikely that he’d been seized and dragged away.
After about a minute, Ansari spoke again. Behrouz translated: ‘I’ve been told that the President has just appeared on television and made an announcement. Mr Hassan Jabari has resigned from the Guardian Council, because – I quote – “it is for the good of the nation to rob the disruptive elements and their foreign supporters of their dishonest ammunition”.’ Behrouz winced apologetically; however pompous the original, he usually managed to produce less turgid English than that.
‘Furthermore, the President tells us that he has appointed a senior judge to review all of Mr Jabari’s
