into a false sense of having explained much more than we really have. They conceal depths of ignorance. We don’t know how neurons in the brain perform any of these operations. Nonetheless, the scheme I have outlined might provide a useful place to start future research on these questions. For example, over twenty years ago neuroscientists discovered neurons in the temporal lobes of monkeys that respond to faces; each set of neurons firing when the monkey looks at a specific familiar face, such as Joe the alpha male or Lana the pride of his harem. In an essay on art that I published in 1998, I predicted that such neurons might, paradoxically, fire even more vigorously in response to an exaggerated caricature of the face in question than to the original. Intriguingly, this prediction has now been confirmed in an elegant series of experiments performed at Harvard. Such experiments are important because they will help us translate purely theoretical speculations on vision and art into more precise, testable models of visual function.

Object recognition is a difficult problem, and I have offered some speculations on what the steps involved are. The word “recognition,” however, doesn’t tell us anything much unless we can explain how the object or face in question evokes meaning—based on the memory associations of the face. The question of how neurons encode meaning and evoke all the semantic associations of an object is the holy grail of neuroscience, whether you are studying memory, perception, art, or consciousness.

AGAIN, WE DON’T really know why we higher primates have such a large number of distinct visual areas, but it seems that they are all specialized for different aspects of vision, such as color vision, seeing movement, seeing shapes, recognizing faces, and so on. The computational strategies for each of these might be sufficiently different that evolution developed the neural hardware separately.

A good example of this is the middle temporal (MT) area, a small patch of cortical tissue found in each hemisphere, that appears to be mainly concerned with seeing movement. In the late 1970s a woman in Zurich, whom I’ll call Ingrid, suffered a stroke that damaged the MT areas on both sides of her brain but left the rest of her brain intact. Ingrid’s vision was normal in most respects: She could read newspapers and recognize objects and people. But she had great difficulty seeing movement. When she looked at a moving car, it appeared like a long succession of static snapshots, as if seen under a strobe. She could read the number plate and tell you what color it was, but there was no impression of motion. She was terrified of crossing the street because she didn’t know how fast the cars were approaching. When she poured water into a glass, the stream of water looked like a static icicle. She didn’t know when to stop pouring because she couldn’t see the rate at which the water level was rising, so it always overflowed. Even talking to people was like “talking on a phone,” she said, because she couldn’t see the lips moving. Life became a strange ordeal for her. So it would seem that the MT areas are concerned mainly with seeing motion but not with other aspects of vision. There are four other bits of evidence supporting this view.

First, you can record from single nerve cells in a monkey’s MT areas. The cells signal the direction of moving objects but don’t seem that interested in color or shape. Second, you can use microelectrodes to stimulate tiny clusters of cells in a monkey’s MT area. This causes the cells to fire, and the monkey starts hallucinating motion when the current is applied. We know this because the monkey starts moving his eyes around tracking imaginary moving objects in its visual field. Third, in human volunteers, you can watch MT activity with functional brain imaging such as fMRI (functional MRI). In fMRI, magnetic fields in the brain produced by changes in blood flow are measured while the subject is doing or looking at something. In this case, the MT areas lights up while you are looking at moving objects, but not when you are shown static pictures, colors, or printed words. And fourth, you can use a device called a transcranial magnetic stimulator to briefly stun the neurons of volunteers’ MT areas—in effect creating a temporary brain lesion. Lo and behold, the subjects become briefly motion blind like Ingrid while the rest of their visual abilities remain, to all appearances, intact. All this might seem like overkill to prove the single point that MT is the motion area of the brain, but in science it never hurts to have converging lines of evidence that prove the same thing.

Likewise, there is an area called V4 in the temporal lobe that appears to be specialized for processing color. When this area is damaged on both sides of the brain, the entire world becomes drained of color and looks like a black-and-white motion picture. But the patient’s other visual functions seem to remain perfectly intact: She can still perceive motion, recognize faces, read, and so on. And just as with the MT areas, you can get converging lines of evidence through single-neuron studies, functional imaging, and direct electrical stimulation to show that V4 is the brain’s “color center.”

Unfortunately, unlike MT and V4, most of the rest of the thirty or so visual areas of the primate brain do not reveal their functions so cleanly when they are lesioned, imaged, or zapped. This may be because they are not as narrowly specialized, or their functions are more easily compensated for by other regions (like water flowing around an obstacle), or perhaps our definition of what constitutes a single function is murky (“ill posed,” as computer scientists say). But in any case, beneath all the bewildering anatomical complexity there is a simple organizational pattern that is very helpful in the study of vision. This pattern is a division of the flow of visual information along (semi)separate, parallel pathways (Figure 2.10).

Let’s first consider the two pathways by which visual information enters the cortex. The so-called old pathway starts in the retinas, relays through an ancient midbrain structure called the superior colliculus, and then projects— via the pulvinar—to the parietal lobes (see Figure 2.10). This pathway is concerned with spatial aspects of vision: where, but not what, an object is. The old pathway enables us to orient toward objects and track them with our eyes and heads. If you damage this pathway in a hamster, the animal develops a curious tunnel vision, seeing and recognizing only what is directly in front of its nose.

FIGURE 2.10 The visual information from the retina gets to the brain via two pathways. One (called the old pathway) relays through the superior colliculus, arriving eventually in the parietal lobe. The other (called the new pathway) goes via the lateral geniculate nucleus (LGN) to the visual cortex and then splits once again into the “how” and “what” streams.

The new pathway, which is highly developed in humans and in primates generally, allows sophisticated analysis and recognition of complex visual scenes and objects. This pathway projects from the retina to V1, the first and largest of our cortical visual maps, and from there splits into two subpathways, or streams: pathway 1, or what is often called the “how” stream, and pathway 2 the “what” stream. You can think of the “how” stream (sometimes called the “where” stream) as being concerned with the relationships among visual objects in space, while the “what” stream is concerned with the relationships of features within visual objects themselves. Thus the “how” stream’s function overlaps to some extent with that of the old pathway, but it mediates much more sophisticated aspects of spatial vision—determining the overall spatial layout of the visual scene rather than just the location of an object. The “how” stream projects to the parietal lobe and has strong links to the motor system. When you dodge an object hurled at you, when you navigate around a room avoiding bumping into things, when you step gingerly over a tree branch or a pit, or when you reach out to grab an object or fend off a blow, you are relying on the “how” stream. Most of these computations are unconscious and highly automated, like a robot or a zombie copilot that follows your instructions without need of much guidance or monitoring.

Before we consider the “what” stream, let me first mention the fascinating visual phenomenon of blindsight. It was discovered in Oxford in the late 1970s by Larry Weizkrantz. A patient named Gy had suffered substantial damage to his left visual cortex—the origin point for both the “how” and the “what” streams. As a result he became completely blind in his right visual field—or so it seemed at first. In the course of testing Gy’s intact vision, Weizkrantz told him to reach out and try to touch a tiny spot of light that he told Gy was to his right. Gy protested that he couldn’t see it and there would be no point, but Weizkrantz asked him to try anyway. To his amazement, Gy

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