Harper nodded. “That’s understandable. She started out working violent crimes in New Jersey, and the Bureau has more experience with kidnapping cases than any other law enforcement agency in the world.”
“Yes, they wrote the book on that particular subject, and they’ve had a lot of success with their extraterritorial work. Even in Pakistan, where it’s not exactly easy to get an investigation off the ground. As you know, the Bureau was involved with the apprehension of both Ramzi Yousef in 1995 and Khalid Mohammed in 2003, so they have a proven track record in the area. At the same time, there are . . .”
Brenneman hesitated as he searched for the right word. “There are
“Sir, we can’t link him to this yet,” Harper cautioned. “He may top the list of suspects, but it’s better to wait and see what the Bureau turns up before we start jumping to conclusions.”
“I’ll be immensely surprised if it turns out he wasn’t involved. We know he took part in the incident two weeks ago.”
“You’re referring to the kidnapping on the Karakoram Highway.”
“Yes,” Brenneman confirmed. “Let’s set aside the fact that he shouldn’t even be a free man for a moment. He’s perfected his modus operandi, it seems, and nothing about what happened today strikes me as the work of amateurs. At best, they were skilled professionals dressed in army uniforms. At worst . . .”
“They were actual Pakistani soldiers,” Harper finished grimly. Eyewitness accounts had verified that Fitzgerald’s abductors had been wearing in army fatigues. “And if that’s the case, we have a very serious problem.”
Brenneman didn’t immediately respond. Instead, he stood and moved over to the far wall, where several 32- inch monitors were positioned next to each other. The volume had been muted on all three, but the identical images were already numbingly familiar. CNN
had been running the tape on a continuous loop, and over the last half hour, the footage had been burned into the minds of millions of disbelieving Americans. Like many senior U.S. officials, the secretary of state only traveled with members of one network, known as “the pool,” which shared coverage with its competitors under a longstanding agreement. The pool was rotated on a regular basis, and for Secretary Fitzgerald’s first official trip, CNN had been next in line. The network had paid a devastating price for the privilege. Eight crew members had been killed in the attack on the secretary’s motorcade, including Susan Watkins, a senior foreign correspondent and one of CNN’s most recognizable anchors. The film taken after the incident had been shot by cameramen from the bureau office in Islamabad.
Finally, Brenneman addressed his subordinate’s last point. He was still facing the monitors when he spoke. “John, do you think it’s possible that the Pakistani government could be directly involved with this? On any level whatsoever?”
“It seems like a stretch, sir. They’re extremely upset over your position on Israel’s arms sale to India, I know, but Musharraf has too much to lose by engaging in something of this magnitude. I just don’t think it’s a possibility, despite the evidence we’ve seen so far.”
“And what if you’re wrong?” The president turned away from the monitors to face his subordinate. “You told me yourself how seriously Pakistan takes the dispute over Jammu and Kashmir. You emphasized the fact that they’ve fought a number of wars over that land. Kargil in ’99 is only the latest example, and by no means is that the worst possible scenario. We’re talking about a country with at least forty nuclear weapons here. Maybe the arms sale to India was just the tipping point. The final straw, so to speak.”
“Sir, I just can’t believe they’d risk something like this,” Harper repeated, “but I think we should withhold judgment until the Bureau’s team submits a preliminary report. Like I said, the Agency will be thoroughly involved as well.”
“Which brings me to my next point,” Brenneman said. “You just returned from overseas, correct?”
“Yes.”
“I trust you managed to find your man.”
“I did. And he’s willing to help.”
“Good.” A genuine smile crossed the president’s face, but it disappeared just as fast. The situation was much too dire for any real relief to take hold. “I’m reassured to know you have your best on this, John. I’m well aware of what Kealey has done for us, and I’m confident he’ll be able to resolve this situation as well.”
“I’m sure he will, sir, but he won’t be working alone. Naomi Kharmai has also been tasked with this. You’ll remember her from the incident in New York City last year, as well as the attempt on your life in 2007. She was instrumental in preventing both attacks.”
“Yes.” Brenneman nodded slowly. “She’s a very capable young woman. I owe her a lot, as does the country, and I’m pleased to hear she’s involved. But just so we’re clear, I want to know exactly what their instructions are. Because I’m convinced that Amari Saifi is somehow involved with the abduction of Secretary Fitzgerald, and that’s where I want you to focus your efforts.”
“I understand, sir. And to answer your question, yes, finding Saifi
is their primary objective.”
Brenneman nodded his approval. “Have you talked to them since the attack?”
“No. I haven’t had the chance yet. I’ll make the call on the way to Langley.”
“Good.” The president’s shoulders seemed to relax a little, as if some minor weight had been removed. Still, the burden that remained was clearly visible in his worried gaze. “I’m sure it’s him, John. It fits his profile. He may be working alone; he may have backers in the Pakistani government. Either way, I want you to find him. Find him and you’ll find her. I’m sure of it.”
Harper got to his feet, sensing the meeting was over. “We’ll do our best, Mr. President.”
“Don’t do your best.” Brenneman met his eyes once more, and this time, his demeanor was adamant. “Just get it done. I’m counting on you, and so is she.”
CHAPTER 13
MADRID, SPAIN
Like many countries in Western Europe—indeed, like most countries around the world—Spain had seen its fair share of terrorist activity over the years. Unlike many of its neighbors, though, the danger to Spain was largely born at home. For nearly fifty years, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna had been the country’s most prominent terror organization. Better known abroad as ETA, its overriding aim was the establishment of an independent Basque state in the north, and the group presented a real and ongoing threat, having claimed more than eight hundred lives through shootings and bombings since its inception in 1959. Unfortunately, it wasn’t the only threat to the Spanish government and a population of forty million. In recent years, the constantly reemerging, spreading network of al-Qaeda had claimed its stake on Spanish soil as well, just as it had in so many other places.
Tragic proof of al-Qaeda’s presence in Spain had come on March 11, 2004, when the capital was rocked by the bombings of four commuter trains. The near-simultaneous blasts claimed the lives of 191 people and left another 1,200 wounded, and while the attack was initially attributed to ETA, it soon became clear that the work was not that of the Basque separatist movement. In the three-year investigation that followed the blasts, it also became clear just how elusive the threat could be, even in a country accustomed to waging the war on terror. When the highly publicized Madrid bombing trial finally began in February of 2007, the list of defendants included 15 Moroccans, 9 Spaniards, 2 Syrians, an Egyptian, an Algerian, and a Lebanese national, none of whom had conclusive ties to the Basque separatists. And yet, while al-Qaeda as a whole had been implicated thorough a veritable mountain of circumstantial evidence, there was nothing linking the key leadership to the perpetrators of the Madrid bombings. In fact, the origin of the plot largely remained a mystery to Spanish authorities.
Since his first assignment for the Agency nearly five years earlier, the slippery nature of the links between various terrorist groups was something that Ryan Kealey had come to appreciate. For several years after 9/11, terrorist activity—at least in the form of major attacks on civilian targets—had declined precipitously around the world. In Kealey’s view, this period of inactivity had given security forces and intelligence agencies a completely false perception: the idea that they were winning the war, that the drop in attacks could be directly attributed to new and improved policies, as well as the improved dissemination of information. In truth, the worldwide
