years, he served with InterServices Intelligence. That was a rumor we were able to quickly confirm. Obviously, we make an effort to keep tabs on people like that, and in Mengal’s case, we’ve actually managed to amass quite a bit of information over the past twenty years. In particular, the contacts he developed over that time are worth noting.”
“What do you mean by that?” Brenneman inquired. “Is there anything there to indicate why Mengal wanted to get Saifi out of prison? Or why he’s working with him now, if that’s the case?”
“There is no clear link between the two men,” Harper conceded.
“Mengal has ties to al-Qaeda, as does Saifi. That’s one angle we’re working, but that doesn’t necessarily relate to this situation. The general has also forged links with the Afghan mujahideen, the North Koreans, the Iranians, and a number of Kashmiri rebels, many of whom once served under him in an official capacity. He may well have turned to the latter group if, in fact, he was involved in Secretary Fitzgerald’s abduction.”
“And that is starting to look more and more likely,” Andrews put in. “The rebels could have easily provided the experience and firepower he needed to mount a successful attack on the bridge.”
“That doesn’t mean we can rule out the Pakistani Army’s involvement,” Brenneman reminded them, his voice taking on a cautionary tone. “As you said, Mengal spent more than twenty years in the service. His primary connection is to the army and the men he served with.”
“That’s a fair point, sir,” Andrews said. “Again, we’re pursuing all angles.”
“What about Mengal’s current location?” Brenneman asked. “Did Ghafour—”
“No, he didn’t.” The words were out before Harper could catch them. “Excuse me, sir. I didn’t mean to interrupt.”
“That’s fine,” Brenneman said, waving away the apology. “But do we have
“We’re still pushing for a possible location,” Harper admitted. He reached for his coffee. “The Agency is working hand in hand with the NSA and the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency. A total of six KH-12 reconnaissance satellites have been retasked to pass over locations Mengal has been known to frequent over the past several years, including his personal residence outside of Islamabad. Unfortunately, the KH-12 does not have dwell capability, meaning it can’t stay stationary over a given point on earth, and it moves in a low, fast orbit, so its value is limited in this situation.”
“What about the 8X?”
Harper had expected the question. Before being elected to the highest office in the land, Brenneman had served five terms in the Senate, where he’d represented his home state of Massachusetts. In his fourth term, he’d served as the vice chair on the Select Committee on Intelligence, during which time he’d been instrumental in pushing for the development of the KH-12’s successor. The 8X, a recon satellite developed by Lockheed Martin and first deployed in the spring of ’99, possessed advanced optics that allowed it to travel at much higher altitudes while maintaining superior image resolution. It had infrared sensors, plus an adjustable dwell capability, which in this case wasn’t strictly necessary, as it could be tasked to travel in geosynchronous orbit, or GEO. This meant that the orbital period of the satellite was exactly the same as the rotation period of the earth, allowing the 8X to essentially “hover” over one point on the planet.
The president knew all of this, just as he knew what dwell capability was. Everything Harper had said before was for the benefit of Robert Andrews, whose expertise in the field of image intelligence, or IMINT, was decidedly limited.
“As you know, sir,” Harper began, “the National Reconnaissance Office has only four 8X satellites in operation. Two more are undergoing repairs and won’t be operational for another six to eight months. Given our limited resources, plus the low probability of finding Mengal through the use of image intelligence, the decision was made to keep them in GEO over areas of interest in Kashmir. It would be different if we had a firm location to lock onto, but since we don’t . . .”
Harper didn’t have to finish; he’d made his point clear, and Brenneman nodded his reluctant agreement. “Do we have assets on the ground?”
“Nothing worth bragging about,” Andrews said. “Operating successfully in that area requires some very specific language skills, as well as a certain physical appearance. You need the whole package to pull it off, and people like that are hard to come by.”
There was a slight pause; then Brenneman pushed forward. “But you do have some people who fit the requirements. Naomi Kharmai, for example. I assume she was brought into this, in part, at least, because she fits the criteria.”
“Yes, sir,” Harper said, shooting a quick look at Andrews. The DCI’s face was remarkably composed; Harper couldn’t tell if he’d mentioned anything about Kharmai’s immediate past to the president. Brenneman leaned back in his seat and ran a weary hand over his face. “Gentlemen,” he said, “this . . .
The president paused for a moment to let that sink in. “It’s a messy situation, and the problem is compounded by the fact that we—and by that, I mean the State Department—made an inquiry through official channels regarding Ghafour less than a week ago. The Spanish are curious about our possible involvement in this, and rightfully so. They’re just testing the waters for now, but it’s only going to get harder to deflect their interest as time goes by, especially if the body count continues to rise. Obviously, we cannot allow them to learn the truth.”
Both Agency officials nodded, and Andrews voiced his agreement. Brenneman paused again, looking down at his hands.
“I understand the need for the actions your people took,” he said.
“The prospect of American intelligence officers being apprehended on foreign soil, especially while taking part in an operation of this magnitude, is simply unthinkable. It would undermine our ties to governments around the world, not to mention impugning my entire administration.” He paused for a very long time, weighing his next words. “At the same time, what happened in Madrid today is completely unacceptable.
There was a long silence. Finally, Harper spoke up.
“Sir, I agree with everything you’ve said,” he remarked, “and needless to say, disciplinary action will be taken against the people involved. Nevertheless, I feel that our people, Ryan Kealey and Naomi Kharmai in particular, remain vital to the successful outcome of this mission. The mission being, of course, the safe recovery of Secretary Fitzgerald.”
Brenneman nodded slowly. “So you want them to stay on.”
“Yes, sir,” Harper responded, without delay. “I do.”
“What do you think, Bob?” Brenneman asked, shifting his gaze.
“Are you of the same opinion?”
Andrews debated for a long time, then nodded reluctantly. “Yes, sir, I am. Their combined track record speaks for itself. We can’t afford to ignore their past success.”
“Well, what about the ransom demands?” Brenneman asked after a moment, switching gears without warning. “Does that tell us anything more about the people who pulled this off?”
Both men considered that for a moment. A claim of responsibility for the abduction of Brynn Fitzgerald, as well as the abduction of 27 other hostages over the past several months, had arrived two hours earlier in the form of a VHS tape, which had been hand-delivered to the U.S. embassy in Islamabad. After an extensive interrogation —or at least as extensive as could be realistically expected in so short a time—it had been determined that the messenger was a blind cutout; essentially, he knew nothing of value. He couldn’t even give an accurate description of the man who had paid him to deliver the tape. Still, he was being detained while the Pakistani authorities delved into his background.
The tape had been converted to streaming media, then sent to Langley via an encrypted file, where it was written onto a blank DVD. Brenneman had watched the recording in the Oval Office, along with Andrews, Harper,
