Kicking Away the Ladder. Development Strategy in Historical Perspective

free-market/free-trade system; this made other countries realize the limitations of their mercantilist policies and start to adopt free (or at least freer) trade from around 1860. However, Britain was also greatly helped in its project by the works of its classical economists such as Adam Smith and David Ricardo, who theoretically proved the superiority of laissez-faire policy, in particular free trade. According to Willy de Clercq, the European Commissioner for External Economic Relations during the early days of the Uruguay Round (1985-9):

Only as a result of the theoretical legitimacy of free trade when measured against widespread mercantilism provided by David Ricardo, John Stuart Mill and David Hume, Adam Smith and others from the Scottish Enlightenment, and as a consequence of the relative stability provided by the UK as the only and relatively benevolent superpower or hegemon during the second half of the nineteenth century, was free trade able to flourish for the first time [in the late nineteenth century].[2]

This Liberal world order, perfected around 1870, was based on: laissez-faire industrial policies at home; low barriers to the international flows of goods, capital and labour; and the macroeconomic stability, both nationally and internationally, which was guaranteed by the Gold Standard and the principle of balanced budgets. A period of unprecedented prosperity followed.

Unfortunately, according to this story, things started to go wrong with the onset of the First World War. In response to the ensuing instability of the world economic and political system, countries once again started to erect trade barriers. In 1930, the USA abandoned free trade and enacted the infamous Smoot-Hawley tariff. According to de Clercq, this tariff ‘had disastrous effects on international trade and after a while ... on American economic growth and employment. Nowadays, some economists even believe that the Great Depression was caused primarily by these tariffs’.[3] The likes of Germany and Japan erected high trade barriers and also started creating powerful cartels, which were closely linked with fascism and these countries’ external aggression in the following decades.[4] The world free trade system finally ended in 1932, when Britain, hitherto its champion, succumbed to temptation and reintroduced tariffs. The resulting contraction and instability in the world economy, and then the Second World War, destroyed the last remnants of the first Liberal world order.

After the Second World War, so the story goes, some significant progress was made in trade liberalization through the early GATT (General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs) talks. However, dirigiste approaches to economic management dominated the policy-making scene until the 1970s in the developed world, and until the early 1980s in developing countries (as well as the Communist world until its collapse in 1989). According to Sachs and Warner, a number of factors contributed to the pursuit of protectionism and interventionism in developing countries.[5] ‘Wrong’ theories, such as the infant industry argument, the ‘big push’ theory of Rosensetin-Rodan (1943), and Latin American structuralism, not to speak of various Marxist theories, prevailed. Protectionist policies were also motivated by political requirements, such as the need for nation building and the need to ‘buy off’ certain interest groups. There were also legacies of wartime control that persisted into peacetime.

Fortunately, it is held, interventionist policies have been largely abandoned across the world since the 1980s with the rise of Neo-Liberalism, which emphasizes the virtues of small government, laissez- faire policies and international openness. By the late 1970s economic growth had begun to falter in most countries in the developing world, with the exception of those in East and Southeast Asia, which were already pursuing ‘good’ policies. This growth failure, which often manifested itself in the economic crises of the early 1980s, exposed the limitations of old-style interventionism and protectionism.

As a result, most developing countries have come to embrace Neo-Liberal policy reform. The most symbolic of these conversions, according to Bhagwati, are: Brazil’s embrace of Neo-Liberal doctrine under the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, a leading Dependency theorist until the 1980s; the entry of traditionally anti-US Mexico into the NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement); and the move towards an open, liberal economy by India, once the bastion of protectionism and regulation.[6] The crowning glory of this trend towards liberalization and opening-up was the fall of Communism in 1989, which finally ended the ‘historical anomaly’ of a closed world trading system that had prevailed in the early postwar years.[7]

When combined with the establishment of new global governance institutions represented by the WTO, these policy changes at the national level have created a new global economic system, which is comparable in its potential prosperity only to the earlier ‘golden age’ of Liberalism (1870-1914). [8] Renato Ruggiero, the first Director-General of the WTO, argues that thanks to this new world order we now have ‘the potential for eradicating global poverty in the early part of the next [21st] century – a utopian notion even a few decades ago, but a real possibility today’.[9]

As we shall see later, this story paints a powerful but fundamentally misleading picture. Indeed, it should be accepted that there are also some senses in which the late nineteenth century can indeed be described as an era of laissez-faire.

To begin with, as we can see in table 2.1, there was a period in the late nineteenth century, albeit a brief one, when liberal trade regimes prevailed in large parts of the world economy. Starting in 1846 with the repeal of the Corn Laws, Britain made a decided shift to a unilateral free trade regime (which was accomplished by the 1860s), although this move was based on its then unchallenged economic superiority and was intricately linked with its imperial policy. Between 1860 and 1880, many European countries reduced tariff protection substantially. At the same time, most of the rest of the world was forced to practice free trade through colonialism (see section 2.3.1) and, in the cases of a few nominally ‘independent’ countries (such as the Latin American countries, China, Thailand (then Siam), Iran (then Persia) and Turkey (then the Ottoman Empire)), unequal treaties (see section 2.3.2). Of course, the obvious exception to this was the USA, which maintained a very high tariff barrier even during this period. However, given that the USA was still a relatively small part of the world economy, it may not be totally unreasonable to say that this is as close to free trade as the world has ever got (or probably ever will).

More importantly, the scope of state intervention before the First World War (and maybe even up to the Second World War) was quite limited by modern standards. For example, before the 1930s, both the hegemony of the doctrine of balanced budget and the limited scope for taxation (given, among other things, the absence of personal and corporate income taxes in most countries) severely limited the scope for active budgetary policy. The narrow tax base restricted government budgets, so large fiscal outlays for developmental purposes were difficult, even if the government had the intention to make them – railways being an obvious exception in a number of countries. In most countries, fully-fledged central banking did not exist until the early twentieth century, so the scope for monetary policy was also very limited. On the whole, banks were privately-owned and little regulated by the state, so the scope for using ‘directed credit programmes’, which were so widely and successfully used in countries like Japan, Korea, Taiwan and France during the postwar period, was extremely limited. Measures like the nationalization of industry and indicative investment planning, practices that served many European countries, especially France, Austria and Norway, well in the early postwar years, were regarded as unthinkable outside wartime before the Second World War. One somewhat paradoxical consequence of all these limitations was that tariff protection was far more important as a policy tool in the nineteenth century than it is in our time.

Table 2.1
Average Tariff Rates on Manufactured Products for Selected Developed Countries in Their Early Stages of Development
(weighted average; in percentages of value) [1]
	1820[2]	1875[3]	1913	1925	1931	1950
Austria[3]	R	15- 20	18	16	24	18
Belgium[4]	6-8	9- 10	9	15	14	11
Denmark	25-35	15- 20	14	10	n.a.	3