Maxim Litvinov the following November, President Roosevelt suggested precisely the language—relating to the treatment of foreign nationals inside the U.S.S.R.—that Kennan had advised against using.28
The Kennans were back in the United States by then, having left Grace with the Sorensens in Kristiansand. They had planned the trip chiefly for family reasons. Kent senior was eighty-one and in precarious health. “As one year after another is sliced off from our allotted span,” he had written George with mournful formality the previous winter, “we may well look with some misgivings at the diminished balance which remains.” It would be Annelise’s first visit: “To see America which I have heard and read so much about and to meet you all,” she wrote Jeanette, “will be ‘grand.’ ” The trip almost didn’t happen because the State Department grumbled about Kennan’s leaving the Riga legation understaffed, but Felix Cole, who ran the Russian Section, stood up for George, citing his family obligations together with the fact that he and Annelise had already given up their dacha, stored their furniture, and made all of their preparations.29
Many years later Loy Henderson, a longtime Foreign Service colleague, insisted that Kennan had asked for leave and rushed home knowing that the Roosevelt administration was about to recognize the Soviet Union: “George never misses an opportunity.” This seems unlikely: the trip was authorized before anyone knew that Litvinov would be traveling to Washington. Kennan did spend three weeks in the Division of Eastern European Affairs helping to prepare for the upcoming talks, but he was no enthusiast for recognition, having convinced himself through his Riga research that the U.S.S.R. would violate whatever agreements were made with it. During the critical phase of the Roosevelt-Litvinov negotiations in mid-November, Kennan was not on the scene at all, but back in Milwaukee.30
George had sent Annelise ahead of him to save money—Washington hotels were expensive. So, he wrote Jeanette, he was “entrusting my youthful wife to your care.” “[I]t’s a shame that you aren’t here to see the furor your wife is causing,” she replied a few days later. Men were commenting: “That young sister-in-law is certainly a peach.” George’s father, pleased that Annelise had come five thousand miles to see him, met her at the door and embraced her without a word. Louise did too, and “we all wiped our eyes.” She gave a tea that afternoon for the daughter-in-law she had just met, an occasion unusual enough to rate coverage in the
George’s own visit was brief. He found the house overheated, probably because the vitality of its occupants was so low. Kent senior received his son in bed, in a room that darkened as they talked. One of the old man’s legs kept sliding off onto the floor: George wanted to raise it to make him comfortable, but “some Kennan-ish repression made it impossible for me to follow even that little tender impulse, just as it has always made it impossible for me to tell him any of the things I should liked to have told him, throughout a number of years.” “When you bade me good bye last Saturday,” Kent wrote George on November 24, “whole waves and billows of sadness passed over me, . . . in view of my age, that I might never see you again.”32 The premonition proved accurate: Kossuth Kent Kennan died, not unexpectedly, on December 9. But by that time his son, quite unexpectedly, was on his way to Moscow.
IV.
“The ranks of American diplomatists have included, over the decades, many unusual people,” George F. Kennan wrote in 1972. Among the most striking, “both in his virtues and in his weaknesses,” was William C. Bullitt. A Philadelphia aristocrat and a Yale graduate, Bullitt had been an ardent supporter of Woodrow Wilson but also of the Bolshevik Revolution. The president’s principal adviser and confidant, Colonel Edward M. House, sent him to Moscow early in 1919 to try to establish contacts with the new Soviet government, but Wilson—ill and preoccupied with the Paris Peace onference—ignored Bullitt upon his return. So he turned on Wilson publicly, bitterly, and unforgivingly. In 1924 Bullitt married Louise Bryant, widow of the radical journalist John Reed, but divorced her six years later. By then he had become a patient of Sigmund Freud, with whom he collaborated on a highly critical psychobiography of Wilson—fortunately still unpublished when, in 1932, Bullitt met Franklin D. Roosevelt. The new president made Bullitt his unofficial agent on the issue of Soviet recognition. Shortly after signing the agreement establishing diplomatic relations, on November 17, 1933, Roosevelt nominated Bullitt to become the first U.S. ambassador to the U.S.S.R.33
Now back from Milwaukee, Kennan was walking through the corridors of the State Department one day with a friend, who suggested that he ought to meet Bullitt: “Let’s see whether we can find him.” The new ambassador was in his office, asked Kennan some questions about Soviet transportation and finance, which he was able to answer, and then inquired as to whether he spoke Russian well enough to interpret. Kennan replied that he did, whereupon Bullitt said that he was leaving in a few days for Moscow: “Could you be ready in time to come along with me?” “The room,” George recalled, “rocked around me.” The offer was “a thunder-stroke of good luck” after years of preparation, and the Kennans were ready to sail on the following Monday. They traveled with Bullitt on the SS
“Oh, he was so excited,” Annelise remembered. But the passage was rough, so much so that Bullitt ruled out drinking red wine at dinner—“it’s been shaken up too much”—and insisted on providing everyone with champagne. George, who spent much of the voyage in his cabin nursing a cold, remembered vividly the afternoon Bullitt came in, sat on his bunk, and began to talk. “I was naturally curious about the character of this brilliant and fast-moving man who had so suddenly become my immediate superior.” He conveyed an impression of “enormous charm, confidence, and vitality,” but George also detected sensitivity, egocentricity, and pride, as well as “a certain dangerous freedom—the freedom of a man who, as he himself confessed to me on that occasion, had never subordinated his life to the needs of any other human being.”35
Upon arrival at Le Havre, Annelise went on to Kristiansand to see Grace and await instructions, while the new ambassador and his entourage proceeded to Paris. There Kennan was surprised to be warmly welcomed by “fair- weather”—and no doubt envious—Foreign Service friends. The Bullitt group then went by train to Berlin, and from there through Poland to the Soviet border. A solemn representative from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was waiting, and a banquet was served “with a touching Russian mixture of good will and inefficiency.”
Soon we were off again, in one of the big wide Russian sleeping cars. I shared a [compartment] with a Russian newspaper man [who] stripped to his underwear, lay down in the upper berth and snored healthily, but I was too excited to sleep, and bobbed up continually during the night, everytime the train stopped, to look at the little Russian stations, the snow-covered platforms, the booted citizens from the cars up ahead running through the icy cold with their little tea-pots to the boiling water tap which is the prime necessity of every station.
The next morning in Moscow there was a mix-up, with Bullitt and the official greeters going in one direction and the secretaries, servants, and baggage going in another. It fell to Kennan to reconnect them, which he did with sufficient efficiency “that we ended up with several more bags than we had when we started.”36
That was December 11, 1933. On December 13 the new U.S. ambassador and his party were driven through the walls of the Kremlin to present credentials to the Soviet “president,” Mikhail Kalinin. While the ceremony was under way, an Associated Press photographer sneaked a shot of the coatrack outside, with five hats lined up on a shelf above it. The caption identified three, a derby, a fedora, and a military cap, as belonging to Foreign Minister Litvinov and his aides. The other two were shiny silk top hats, said to have been worn by William C. Bullitt and his