which the Emperor, his father, had five-and-thirty years ago published in the provinces. These edicts he therefore commanded should henceforth be carried rigidly into effect, the Inquisition should receive the most active support from the secular arm, and the decrees of the council of Trent be irrevocably and unconditionally acknowledged in all the provinces of his Netherlands. He acquiesced fully in the opinion of the bishops and canonists as to the sufficiency of the Tridentine decrees as guides in all points of reformation of the clergy or instruction of the people; but he could not concur with them as to the mitigation of punishment which they proposed in consideration either of the age, sex, or character of individuals, since he was of opinion that his edicts were in no degree wanting in moderation. To nothing but want of zeal and disloyalty on the part of judges could he ascribe the progress which heresy had already made in the country. In future, therefore, whoever among them should be thus wanting in zeal must be removed from his office and make room for a more honest judge. The Inquisition ought to pursue its appointed path firmly, fearlessly, and dispassionately, without regard to or consideration of human feelings, and was to look neither before nor behind. He would always be ready to approve of all its measures however extreme if it only avoided public scandal.'
This letter of the king, to which the Orange party have ascribed all the subsequent troubles of the Netherlands, caused the most violent excitement amongst the state counsellors, and the expressions which in society they either accidentally or intentionally let fall from them with regard to it spread terror and alarm amongst the people. The dread of the Spanish Inquisition returned with new force, and with it came fresh apprehensions of the subversion of their liberties. Already the people fancied they could hear prisons building, chains and fetters forging, and see piles of fagots collecting. Society was occupied with this one theme of conversation, and fear kept no longer within bounds. Placards were affixed to houses of the nobles in which they were called upon, as formerly Rome called on her Brutus, to come forward and save expiring freedom. Biting pasquinades were published against the new bishops-tormentors as they were called; the clergy were ridiculed in comedies, and abuse spared the throne as little as the Romish see.
Terrified by the rumors which were afloat, the regent called together all the counsellors of state to consult them on the course she ought to adopt in this perilous crisis. Opinion varied and disputes were violent. Undecided between fear and duty they hesitated to come to a conclusion, until at last the aged senator, Viglius, rose and surprised the whole assembly by his opinion. 'It would,' he said, 'be the height of folly in us to think of promulgating the royal edict at the present moment; the king must be informed of the reception which, in all probability, it will now meet. In the meantime the inquisitors must be enjoined to use their power with moderation, and to abstain from severity.' But if these words of the aged president surprised the whole assembly, still greater was the astonishment when the Prince of Orange stood up and opposed his advice. 'The royal will,' he said, 'is too clearly and too precisely stated; it is the result of too long and too mature deliberation for us to venture to delay its execution without bringing on ourselves the reproach of the most culpable obstinacy.' 'That I take on myself,' interrupted Viglius; 'I oppose myself to, his displeasure. If by this delay we purchase for him the peace of the Netherlands our opposition will eventually secure for us the lasting gratitude of the king.' The regent already began to incline to the advice of Viglius, when the prince vehemently interposing, 'What,' he demanded,' what have the many representations which we have already made effected? of what avail was the embassy we so lately despatched? Nothing! And what then do we wait for more? Shall we, his state counsellors, bring upon ourselves the whole weight of his displeasure by determining, at our own peril, to render him a service for which he will never thank us?' Undecided and uncertain the whole assembly remained silent; but no one had courage enough to assent to or reply to him. But the prince had appealed to the fears of the regent, and these left her no choice. The consequences of her unfortunate obedience to the king's command will soon appear. But, on the other hand, if by a wise disobedience she had avoided these fatal consequences, is it clear that the result would not have been the same? However she had adopted the most fatal of the two counsels: happen what would the royal ordinance was to be promulgated. This time, therefore, faction prevailed, and the advice of the only true friend of the government, who, to serve his monarch, was ready to incur his displeasure, was disregarded. With this session terminated the peace of the regent: from this day the Netherlands dated all the trouble which uninterruptedly visited their country. As the counsellors separated the Prince of Orange said to one who stood nearest to him, 'Now will soon be acted a great tragedy.'
[The conduct of the Prince of Orange in this meeting of the council
has been appealed to by historians of the Spanish party as a proof
of his dishonesty, and they have availed themselves over and over
again to blacken his character. 'He,' say they, 'who had,
invariably up to this period, both by word and deed, opposed the
measures of the court so long as he had any ground to fear that the
king's measures could be successfully carried out, supported them
now for the first time when he was convinced that a scrupulous
obedience to the royal orders would inevitably prejudice him. In
order to convince the king of his folly in disregarding his
warnings; in order to be able to boast, 'this I foresaw,' and 'I
foretold that,' he was willing to risk the welfare of his nation,
for which alone he had hitherto professed to struggle. The whole
tenor of his previous conduct proved that he held the enforcement
of the edicts to be an evil; nevertheless, he at once becomes false
to his own convictions and follows an opposite course; although, so
far as the nation was concerned, the same grounds existed as had
dictated his former measures; and he changed his conduct simply
that the result might be different to the king.' 'It is clear,
therefore,' continue his adversaries, 'that the welfare of the
nation had less weight with him than his animosity to his
sovereign. In order to gratify his hatred to the latter he does
not hesitate to sacrifice the former.' But is it then true that by
calling for the promulgation of these edicts he sacrificed the
nation? or, to speak more correctly, did he carry the edicts into
effect by insisting on their promulgation? Can it not, on the
contrary, be shown with far more probability that this was really
the only way effectually to frustrate them? The nation was in a
ferment, and the indignant people would (there was reason to
expect, and as Viglius himself seems to have apprehended) show so
decided a spirit of opposition as must compel the king to yield.
'Now,' says Orange, 'my country feels all the impulse necessary for
it to contend successfully with tyranny! If I neglect the present
moment the tyrant will, by secret negotiation and intrigue, find
means to obtain by stealth what by open force he could not. The
some object will be steadily pursued, only with greater caution and
forbearance; but extremity alone can combine the people to unity of
purpose, and move them to bold measures.' It is clear, therefore,
that with regard to the king the prince did but change his language
only; but that as far as the people was concerned his conduct was
perfectly consistent. And what duties did he owe the king apart
from those he owed the republic? Was he to oppose an arbitary act
in the very moment when it was about to entail a just retribution
on its author? Would he have done his duty to his country if he
had deterred its oppressor from a precipitate step which alone
could save it from its otherwise unavoidable misery?]
An edict, therefore, was issued to all the governors of provinces, commanding them rigorously to enforce the mandates of the Emperor against heretics, as well as those which had been passed under the present government, the decrees of the council of Trent, and those of the episcopal commission, which had lately sat to give all the aid of the civil force to the Inquisition, and also to enjoin a similar line of conduct on the officers of government under
