sharply for their misdemeanours, he none the less honoured their high endeavours, and proved himself a present help to them in time of trouble.[6] No citizen could be his personal foe; of that he was assured. His desire was to commend them one and all alike, counting the common salvation of all a gain, and reckoning it as a loss if even a mean man perished. For thus he reasoned, nor made a secret of the conclusion he had come to: so long as her citizens continued tranquilly adherent to the laws the happiness of Sparta was secure.[7] And for the rest Sparta would once again be strong on that day when the states of Hellas should learn wisdom.
[3] Or, 'he was at the same time the most obvious in his allegiance to the laws.'
[4] Lit. 'would have taken on himself . . . would have ventured on revolution.'
[5] Lit. 'as a father to his children.'
[6] Or, 'and was ready to stand by their side in time of trouble.'
[7] Or, 'For this was the clear tenor of his thought, that by tranquil continuance within the laws the citizens of Sparta might secure her happiness. And as to power, Sparta, etc.' See 'Mem.' II. vi. 27.
And if, by admission, it is noble for every Hellene to be a lover of his fellow-Hellenes, yet we must fare far afield to find another instance of a general who, expecting to sack some city, would have refused to seize the prize; or who regarded victory in a war waged against fellow-Hellenes as a species of calamity. Yet this man when a message was brought him concerning the battle at Corinth,[8] in which but eight Lacedaemonians had fallen, but of their opponents ten thousand nearly, showed no sign of exultation, but sighed, saying, 'Alas for Hellas! since those who now lie in their graves, were able, had they lived, to conquer the hosts of Asia.'[9] Again, when some Corinthian exiles informed him that their city was ripe for surrender, and showed him the engines by which they were confident they would take the walls, he refused to make the assault, saying that Hellene cities ought not to be reduced to slavery, but brought back to a better mind,[10] and added, 'For if we lop off our offending members, haply we may deprive ourselves of the means to master the barbarians.'
[8] B.C. 394. See 'Hell.' IV. ii. 9-23; Diod. xiv. 83; Grote, 'H. G.' ix. 429.
[9] Lit. 'all the barbarians.'
[10] See 'Econ.' i. 23.
Again, if it is a sacred duty to hate the Persian, who of old set out on a campaign to enslave Hellas; the Persian, who to-day makes alliance with these (no matter to him which the party, provided it will help him to work the greater mischief[11]); or gives presents to those (who will take them and do the greatest harm to his foes the Hellenes); or else concocts a peace that shall presently involve us in internecine war, as he anticipates:--but why dwell on facts so patent? --I ask, did ever Hellene before Agesilaus so enter heart and soul upon his duty; whether it were to help some tribe to throw off the Persian yoke, or to save from destruction a revolted district, or if nothing else, at any rate to saddle the Persian with such troubles of his own that he should cease to trouble Hellas? An ardent hater of Persia surely was he, who, when his own country was at war with Hellenes, did not neglect the common good of Hellas, but set sail to wreak what harm he might upon the barbarians.[12]
[11] Or, 'the worse the mischief he can work, the better the side.'
[12] See Isocr. 'Ep.' ix. 'To Archidamus,' S. 11-14.
VIII
To turn to another side, that grace of manner which was his, claims more than passing recognition. Here was a man to whom honour was vouchsafed and power present, and who, to crown all else, held in his hands the sceptre of sovereignty--a kingship not plotted against, but respected and beloved. Yet there was no trace of arrogance to be seen in him, but of tender affection and courteous service to his friends proof in abundance without seeking. Witness the zest with which he shared in the round of lovers' talk;[1] the zeal with which he threw himself into the serious concerns[2] of friends. By dint of a hopeful and cheery disposition and unflagging gaiety of heart he attracted to his side a throng of visitors, who came, not simply for the transaction of some private interest, but rather to pass away the day in pleasant sort. Though little apt himself to use high-swelling words, it did not annoy him to hear others sounding their own praises, which he regarded as a harmless weakness, the pledge at least of high endeavour[3] in the future.
[1] See 'Hell.' V. iii. 20; 'Cyrop.' I. iv. 27; 'Econ.' ii. 7; Plut. 'Ages.' ii.; xx.; Lyc. xx.
[2] Or, 'he would discuss graver matters, according to the humour of his friends.'
[3] Or, 'of courageous conduct,' 'noble manhood.'
But that he was capable of lofty sentiment and at the right season must not be overlooked. Thus when a letter reached him from the king (I speak of that which was brought by the Persian agent in company with Calleas[4] of Lacedaemon, proposing terms of hospitality and friendship with the Persian monarch), he disdained to accept it, telling the bearer to take back to the king this answer: 'He need not be at pains to send him letters in private, but if he could prove himself a friend to Lacedaemon and the well-wisher of Hellas he should have no cause to blame the ardour of his friendship,' but added, 'if your king be detected plotting, let him not think to find a friend in me. No, not if he sends me a thousand letters.' For my part, then, I hold it praiseworthy that, by comparison with pleasing his fellow- Hellenes, Agesilaus scorned such friendship. And this, too, among his tenets I find admirable: the truer title to self-congratulation belonged not to the millionaire, the master of many legions, but to him rather, who, being himself a better man, commanded the allegience of better followers.
[4] See 'Hell.' IV. i. 15; Plut. 'Apophth. Lac.' p. 777; Grote, 'H. G.' x. 402.
And this, in proof of mental forecast, I must needs praise in him. Holding to the belief that the more satraps there were who revolted from the king the surer the gain to Hellas, he did not suffer himself to be seduced, either by gifts or by the mightiness in his power, to be drawn into bonds of friendship with the king, but took precaution rather not to abuse their confidence who were willing to revolt.
And lastly, as beyond all controversy admirable, note this contrast: First, the Persian, who, believing that in the multitude of his riches he had power to lay all things under his feet, would fain have swept into his coffers all the gold and all the silver of mankind: for him, and him alone, the costliest and most precious things of earth. And then this other, who contrariwise so furnished his establishment as to be totally independent of every adventitious aid. [5] And if any one doubts the statement, let him look and see with what manner of dwelling-place he was contented; let him view the palace doors: these are the selfsame doors, he might well imagine, which Aristodemus,[6] the great-great-grandson of Heracles, took and set up in the days of the return. Let him endeavour to view the furniture inside; there he will perceive how the king feasted on high holy days; and he will hear how the king's own daughter was wont to drive to Amyclae in a public basket-carriage.[7] Thus it was that by the adjustment of expenditure to income he was never driven to the commission of any unjust deed for money's sake. And yet if it be a fine thing to hold a fortress impregnable to attck, I count it a greater glory that a man should hold the fortress of his soul inviolable against the assaults of riches, pleasures, fears.
[5] Or, 'of all such external needs.'
[6] See Herod. vi. 52.
[7] See Plut. 'Ages.' xix. (Clough, iv. p. 23); the words {e thugater autou} were supplied from this passage by Casaubon.
IX
I will here state to what extent the style of living which he presented stands out in striking contrast to the ostentatious manner of the Persian.[1] In the first place, if the latter made a solemn affectation of being but seldom seen, Agesilaus delighted to live in the eye of day, believing that seclusion might accord well enough as a screen for shameless conduct, but to a life of nobleness and beauty[2] heaven's light added new ornament.[3] And next, if the one prided himself on being unapproachable, the other rejoiced in being accessible to all the world; the one, with his airs and graces, was pleased to transact business slowly, the other was never so happy as when he could satisfy the demands of a petitioner without waste of time.[4]
[1] Or, 'how he presented his own manner in antithesis to the false pretences of the Persian.' For {alazoneia} see 'Mem.' I. vii. 1; Aristot. 'N. E.' iv. 7; Theophr. 'Char.' vi.
[2] Lit. 'a life striving towards beauteousness.'
[3] Or, 'added but greater lustre.'
[4] Lit. 'could satisfy and dismiss his petitioners without delay.'
Again, it is worthy of observation how much easier and simpler to satisfy was the standard of comfort which the Spartan aimed at.[5] For the Persian, men must compass sea and land to discover some beverage which he will care to drink; he needs ten thousand pastrycooks to supply the kick-shaws he will deign to eat; and to procure him
