whom you thought you could rely. You know all their theories, and you must apply them now, I take it, according to circumstances and your need. [44] But,' he added, 'there is one lesson that I would fain impress on you, and it is the greatest of them all. Observe the sacrifices and pay heed to the omens; when they are against you, never risk your army or yourself, for you must remember that men undertake enterprises on the strength of probability alone and without any real knowledge as to what will bring them happiness. [45] You may learn this from all life and all history. How often have cities allowed themselves to be persuaded into war, and that by advisers who were thought the wisest of men, and then been utterly destroyed by those whom they attacked! How often have statesmen helped to raise a city or a leader to power, and then suffered the worst at the hands of those whom they exalted! And many who could have treated others as friends and equals, giving and receiving kindnesses, have chosen to use them as slaves, and then paid the penalty at their hands; and many, not content to enjoy their own share of good, have been swept on by the craving to master all, and thereby lost everything that they once possessed; and many have won the very wealth they prayed for and through it have found destruction. [46] So little does human wisdom know how to choose the best, helpless as a man who could but draw lots to see what he should do. But the gods, my son, who live for ever, they know all things, the things that have been and the things that are and the things that are to be, and all that shall come from these; and to us mortals who ask their counsel and whom they love they will show signs, to tell us what we should do and what we should leave undone. Nor must we think it strange if the gods will not vouchsafe their wisdom to all men equally; no compulsion is laid on them to care for men, unless it be their will.'
NOTES
[This work concludes the translation of Xenophon undertaken by Mr. Dakyns. ('The Works of Xenophon,' with maps, introductions, and notes, Vols. I.-III., Macmillan.) From references in the earlier vols. (e.g. Vol. I. pp. lvii., lxx., xc., cxiii., cxxxi.; Vol. III. Part I. pp. v.-vii.) it is plain the translator considered that the historical romance of the /Cyropaedia/ was written in Xenophon's old age (completed /circa/ 365 B.C.) embodying many of his own experiences and his maturest thoughts on education, on government, on the type of man, --a rare type, alone fitted for leadership. The figure of his hero, Cyrus the Great, the founder of the Persian empire, known to him by story and legend, is modelled on the Spartan king Agesilaus, whom he loved and admired, and under whom he served in Persia and in Greece (op. cit. Vol. II., see under /Agesilaus/, Index, and /Hellenica/, Bks. III.-V. /Agesilaus/, /an Encomium/, passim). Certain traits are also taken from the younger Cyrus, whom Xenophon followed in his famous march against his brother, the Persian king, up from the coast of Asia Minor into the heart of Babylonia (see the /Anabasis/, Bk. I., especially c. ix.; op. cit. Vol. I. p. 109). Clearly, moreover, many of the customs and institutions described in the work as Persian are really Dorian, and were still in vogue among Xenophon's Spartan friends (vide e.g. /Hellenica/, Bk. IV., i. S28; op. cit. Vol. II. p. 44).]
C2.4. Qy. Were these tribal customs of the Persians, as doubtless of the Dorians, or is it all a Dorian idealisation?
C2.13. Good specimen of the 'annotative' style with a parenthetic comment. The passage in brackets might be a gloss, but is it?
C3.3. When did Xenophon himself first learn to ride? Surely this is a boyish reminiscence, full of sympathy with boy-nature.
C3.12. Beautiful description of a child subject to his parents, growing in stature and favour with God and man.
C4.2. Perhaps his own grandson, Xenophon the son of Grylus, is the prototype, and Xenophon himself a sort of ancient Victor Hugo in this matter of fondness for children.
C4.3. Contrast Autolycus in the /Symposium/, who had, however, reached the more silent age [e.g. /Symp/., c. iii., fin. tr. Works, Vol. III. Part I. p. 309].
C4.4. The touch about the puppy an instance of Xenophon's {katharotes} [clear simplicity of style].
C4.8. Reads like a biographical incident in some hunt of Xenophon, boy or father.
C4.9-10. The rapidity, one topic introducing and taken up by another, wave upon wave, {anerithmon lelasma} ['the multitudinous laughter of the sea'].
C4.12. The truth of this due to sympathy (cf. Archidamus and his father Agesilaus, /Hell/., V. c. iv.; tr. Works, Vol. II. p. 126).
C4.22. Cyaxares recalls John Gilpin.
C4.24. An Hellenic trait; madness of battle-rage, {menis}. Something of the fierceness of the /Iliad/ here.
C5.7. Cyrus. His first speech as a general; a fine one; a spirit of athleticism breathes through it. Cf. /Memorabilia/ for a similar rationalisation of virtuous self-restraint (e.g. /Mem/., Bk. I. c. 5, 6; Bk. III. c. 8). Paleyan somewhat, perhaps Socratic, not devoid of common sense. What is the end and aim of our training? Not only for an earthly aim, but for a high spiritual reward, all this toil.
C5.10. This is Dakyns.
C5.11. 'Up, Guards, and at 'em!'
C6. This chapter might have been a separate work appended to the /Memorabilia/ on Polemics or Archics ['Science of War' and 'Science of Rule'].
C6.3-6. Sounds like some Socratic counsel; the righteous man's conception of prayer and the part he must himself play.
C6.7. Personal virtue and domestic economy a sufficiently hard task, let alone that still graver task, the art of grinding masses of men into virtue.
C6.8, fin. The false theory of ruling in vogue in Media: the /plus/ of ease instead of the /plus/ of foresight and danger-loving endurance. Cf. Walt Whitman.
C6.30. Is like the logical remark of a disputant in a Socratic dialogue of the Alcibiades type, and §§ 31-33 a Socratic /mythos/ to escape from the dilemma; the breakdown of this ideal /plus/ and /minus/ righteousness due to the hardness of men's hearts and their feeble intellects.
C6.31. Who is this ancient teacher or who is his prototype if he is an ideal being? A sort of Socrates-Lycurgus? Or is Xenophon thinking of the Spartan Crypteia?
C6.34. For /pleonexia/ and deceit in war, vide /Hipparch/., c. 5 [tr. Works, Vol. III. Part II. p. 20]. Interesting and Hellenic, I think, the mere raising of this sort of question; it might be done nowadays, perhaps, with advantage /or/ disadvantage, less cant and more plain brutality.
C6.39. Hunting devices applied: throws light on the date of the /Cyropaedia/, after the Scilluntine days, probably. [After Xenophon was exiled from Athens, his Spartan friends gave him a house and farm at Scillus, a township in the Peloponnese, not far from Olympia. See /Sketch of Xenophon's Life/, Works, Vol. I., p. cxxvi.]
C6.41, init. Colloquial exaggerated turn of phrase; almost 'you could wipe them off the earth.'
BOOK II
[C.1] Thus they talked together, and thus they journeyed on until they reached the frontier, and there a good omen met them: an eagle swept into view on the right, and went before them as though to lead the way, and they prayed the gods and heroes of the land to show them favour and grant them safe entry, and then they crossed the boundary. And when they were across, they prayed once more that the gods of Media might receive them graciously, and when they had done this they embraced each other, as father and son will, and Cambyses turned back to his own city, but Cyrus went forward again, to his uncle Cyaxares in the land of Media. [2] And when his journey was done and he was face to face with him and they had greeted each other as kinsmen may, then Cyaxares asked the prince how great an armament he had brought with him? And Cyrus answered, 'I have 30,000 with me, men who have served with you before as mercenaries; and more are coming on behind, fresh troops, from the Peers of Persia.'
'How many of those?' asked Cyaxares. [3] And Cyrus answered, 'Their numbers will not please you, but remember these Peers of ours, though they are few, find it easy to rule the rest of the Persians, who are many. But now,' he added, 'have you any need of us at all? Perhaps it was only a false alarm that troubled you, and the enemy are not advancing?'
'Indeed they are,' said the other, 'and in full force.'
[4] 'How do you know?' asked Cyrus.
'Because,' said he, 'many deserters come to us, and all of them, in one fashion or another, tell the same tale.'
