distance. After this incident the Corinthians dragged the corpses of the slain to the wall, and finally gave them up under a flag of truce, erecting a trophy to record the victory. As a result of this occurrence the allies of the Lacedaemonians took fresh heart.
[15] And took (apparently); see below; Diod. xv. 69.
[16] See 'Anab.' III. iv. 43; and above, 'Hell.' V. iii. 23.
[17] Lit. 'four plethra.'
[18] LIt. 'three or four stades.'
At the date of the above transactions the Lacedeamonians were cheered by the arrival of a naval reinforcement from Dionysius, consisting of more than twenty warships, which conveyed a body of Celts and Iberians and about fifty cavalry. The day following, the Thebans and the rest of the allies, posted, at intervals, in battle order, and completely filling the flat land down to the sea on one side, and up to the knolls on the other which form the buttresses of the city, proceeded to destroy everything precious they could lay their hands on in the plain. The Athenian and Corinthian cavalry, eyeing the strength, physical and numerical, of their antagonists, kept at a safe distance from their armament. But the little body of cavalry lately arrived from Dionysius spread out in a long thin line, and one at one point and one at another galloped along the front, discharging their missiles as they dashed forward, and when the enemy rushed against them, retired, and again wheeling about, showered another volley. Even while so engaged they would dismount from their horses and take breath; and if their foemen galloped up while they were so dismounted, in an instant they had leapt on their horses' backs and were in full retreat. Or if, again, a party pursued them some distance from the main body, as soon as they turned to retire, they would press upon them, and discharging volleys of missiles, made terrible work, forcing the whole army to advance and retire, merely to keep pace with the movements of fifty horsemen.
B.C. 369-368. After this the Thebans remained only a few more days and then turned back homewards; and the rest likewise to their several homes. Thereupon the troops sent by Dionysius attacked Sicyon. Engaging the Sicyonians in the flat country, they defeated them, killing about seventy men and capturing by assault the fortres of Derae.[19] After these achievements this first reinforcement from Dionysius re-embarked and set sail for Syracuse.
[19] 'East of Sicyon was Epieiceia (see above, 'Hell.' IV. ii. 14, iv. 13) on the river Nemea. In the same direction was the fortress Derae.' ('Dict. Anct. Geog.' 'Topography of Sicyonia'), al. Gerae. So Leake ('Morea,' iii. 376), who conjectures that this fortress was in the maritime plain.
Up to this time the Thebans and all the states which had revolted from Lacedaemon had acted together in perfect harmony, and were content to campaign under the leadership of Thebes; but now a certain Lycomedes,[20] a Mantinean, broke the spell. Inferior in birth and position to none, while in wealth superior, he was for the rest a man of high ambition. This man was able to inspire the Arcadians with high thoughts by reminding them that to Arcadians alone the Peloponnese was in a literal sense a fatherland; since they and they alone were the indigenous inhabitants of its sacred soil, and the Arcadian stock the largest among the Hellenic tribes--a good stock, moreover, and of incomparable physique. And then he set himself to panegyrise them as the bravest of the brave, adducing as evidence, if evidence were needed, the patent fact, that every one in need of help invariably turned to the Arcadians.[21] Never in old days had the Lacedaemonians yet invaded Athens without the Arcadians. 'If then,' he added, 'you are wise, you will be somewhat chary of following at the beck and call of anybody, or it will be the old story again. As when you marched in the train of Sparta you only enhanced her power, so to-day, if you follow Theban guidance without thought or purpose instead of claiming a division of the headship, you will speedily find, perhaps, in her only a second edition of Lacedaemon.'[22]
[20] For the plan of an Arcadian Federation and the part played by Lycomedes, its true author, 'who certainly merits thereby a high place among the statesmen of Greece,' see Freeman, 'Hist. Fed. Gov.' ch. iv. p. 199 foll.
[21] For this claim on the part of the Arcadians, see 'Anab.' VI. ii. 10 foll.
[22] Or, 'Lacedaemonians under another name.'
These words uttered in the ears of the Arcadians were sufficient to puff them up with pride. They were lavish in their love of Lycomedes, and thought there was no one his equal. He became their hero; he had only to give his orders, and they appointed their magistrates[23] at his bidding. But, indeed, a series of brilliant exploits entitled the Arcadians to magnify themselves. The first of these arose out of an invasion of Epidaurus by the Argives, which seemed likely to end in their finding their escape barred by Chabrias and his foreign brigade with the Athenians and Corinthians. Only, at the critical moment the Arcadians came to the rescue and extricated the Argives, who were closely besieged, and this in spite not only of the enemy, but of the savage nature of the ground itself. Again they marched on Asine[24] in Laconian territory, and defeated the Lacedaemonian garrison, putting the polemarch Geranor, who was a Spartan, to the sword, and sacking the suburbs of the town. Indeed, whenever or wherever they had a mind to send an invading force, neither night nor wintry weather, nor length of road nor mountain barrier could stay their march. So that at this date they regarded their prowess as invincible.[25] The Thebans, it will be understood, could not but feel a touch of jealousy at these pretensions, and their former friendship to the Arcadians lost its ardour. With the Eleians, indeed, matters were worse. The revelation came to them when they demanded back from the Arcadians certain cities[26] of which the Lacedaemonians had deprived them. They discovered that their views were held of no account, but that the Triphylians and the rest who had revolted from them were to be made much of, because they claimed to be Arcadians.[27] Hence, as contrasted with the Thebans, the Eleians cherished feelings towards their late friends which were positively hostile.
[23] {arkhontas}, see below, 'Hell.' VII. iv. 33. The formal title of these Federal magistrates may or may not have been {arkhontes}; Freeman, 'H. F. G.' 203, note 6.
[24] See Grote, 'H. G.' x. 356.
[25] Or, 'regarded themselves as the very perfection of soldiery.'
[26] In reference to 'Hell.' III. ii. 25 foll., see Freeman, op. cit. p. 201, and below, 'Hell.' VII. iv. 12 (B.C. 365); Busolt, op. cit. p. 186 foll., in reference to Lasion.
[27] Busolt, p. 150.
B.C. 368. Self-esteem amounting to arrogance--such was the spirit which animated each section of the allies, when a new phase was introduced by the arrival of Philiscus[28] of Abydos on an embassy from Ariobarzanes[29] with large sums of money. This agent's first step was to assemble a congress of Thebans, allies, and Lacedaemonians at Delphi to treat of peace. On their arrival, without attempting to communicate or take counsel with the god as to how peace might be re- established, they fell to deliberating unassisted; and when the Thebans refused to acquiesce in the dependency of Messene[30] upon Lacedaemon, Philiscus set about collecting a large foreign brigade to side with Lacedaemon and to prosecute the war.
[28] See Hicks, 84, p. 152; Kohler, 'C. I. A.' ii. 51; Grote, 'H. G.' x. 357; Curtius, 'H. G.' (Eng. tr.) iv. 458; Diod. xv. 90.
[29] See above, V. i. 28; 'Ages.' ii. 26.
[30] See Hicks, 86.
Whilst these matters were still pending, the second reinforcements from Dionysius[31] arrived. There was a difference of opinion as to where the troops should be employed, the Athenians insisting that they ought to march into Thessaly to oppose the Thebans, the Lacedaemonians being in favour of Laconia; and among the allies this latter opinion carried the day. The reinforcement from Dionysius accordingly sailed round to Laconia, where Archidamus incorporated them with the state troops and opened the campaign. Caryae he took by storm, and put every one captured to the sword, and from this point marching straight upon the Parrhasians of Arcadia, he set about ravaging the country along with his Syracusan supporters.
[31] See above, SS. 20, 22, p. 191 foll. The date is B.C. 368 according to Grote, 'H. G.' x. 362 foll.; al. B.C. 367.
Presently when the Arcadians and Argives arrived with succours, he retreated and encamped on the knolls above Medea.[32] While he was there, Cissidas, the officer in charge of the reinforcement from Dionysius, made the announcement that the period for his stay abroad had elapsed; and the words were no sooner out of his lips than off he set on the road to Sparta. The march itself, however, was not effected without delays, for he was met and cut off by a body of Messenians at a narrow pass, and was forced in these straits to send to Archidamus and beg for assistance, which the latter tendered. When they had got as far as the bend[33] on the road to Eutresia, there were the Arcadians and Argives advancing upon Laconia and apparently intending, like the Messenians, to shut the Spartan off from the homeward road.
