that we may get in our slave- rents,[24] and let the real slave go free. Where you have wealthy slaves it ceases to be advantageous that my slave should stand in awe of you. In Lacedaemon my slave stands in awe of you.[25] But if your slave is in awe of me there will be a risk of his giving away his own moneys to avoid running a risk in his own person. It is for this reason then that we have established an equality between our slaves and free men; and again between our resident aliens and full citizens,[26] because the city stands in need of her resident aliens to meet the requirements of such a multiplicity of arts and for the purposes of her navy. That is, I repeat, the justification for the equality conferred upon our resident aliens.
[21] See Aristot. 'Pol.' v. 11 and vi. 4; Jowett, op. cit. vol. i. pp.
179, 196; Welldon, 'The Politics of Aristotle,' pp. 394 323; Dem.
'Phil.' III. iii. 10; Plaut. 'Stich.' III. i. 37.
[22] See Diod. xi. 43.
[23] Reading, {apo khrematon, anagke}, or (reading, {apo khrematon
anagke}) 'considerations of money force us to be slaves.'
[24] See Boeckh, 'P. E. A.' I. xiii. (Eng. trans. p. 72). 'The rights
of property with regard to slaves in no way differed from any
other chattel; they could be given or taken as pledges. They
laboured either on their master's account or their own, in
consideration of a certain sum to be paid to the master, or they
were let out on hire either for the mines or any other kind of
labour, and even for other persons' workshops, or as hired
servants for wages ({apophora}): a similar payment was also
exacted by the masters for their slaves serving in the fleet.' Ib.
'Dissertation on the Silver Mines of Laurion,' p. 659 (Eng.
trans.)
[25] See 'Pol. Lac.' vi. 3.
[26] Or, 'we have given to our slaves the right to talk like equals
with free men, just as to resident aliens the right of so talking
with citizens.' See Jebb, 'Theophr. Char.' xiv. 4, note, p. 221.
See Demosth. 'against Midias,' 529, where the law is cited. 'If
any one commit a personal outrage upon man, woman, or child,
whether free-born or slave, or commit any illegal act against any
such person, let any Athenian that chooses' (not being under
disability) 'indict him before the judges,' etc; and the orator
exclaims: 'You know, O Athenians, the humanity of the law, which
allows not even slaves to be insulted in their persons.'-C. R.
Kennedy.
Citizens devoting their time to gymnastics and to the cultivation of music are not to be found in Athens;[27] the sovereign People has disestablished them,[28] not from any disbelief in the beauty and honour of such training, but recognising the fact that these are things the cultivation of which is beyond its power. On the same principle, in the case of the coregia,[29] the gymnasiarchy, and the trierarchy, the fact is recognised that it is the rich man who trains the chorus, and the People for whom the chorus is trained; it is the rich man who is trierarch or gymnasiarch, and the People that profits by their labours.[30] In fact, what the People looks upon as its right is to pocket the money.[31] To sing and run and dance and man the vessels is well enough, but only in order that the People may be the gainer, while the rich are made poorer. And so in the courts of justice,[32] justice is not more an object of concern to the jurymen than what touches personal advantage.
[27] For {mousike} and {gumnastike}, see Becker's 'Charicles,' Exc.
'Education.'
[28] See 'Revenues,' iv. 52; Arist. 'Frogs,' 1069, {e xekenosen tas te
palaistras}, 'and the places of exercise vacant and bare.'-Frere.
[29] 'The duties of the choregia consisted in finding maintenance and
instruction for the chorus' (in tragedy, usually of fifteen
persons) 'as long as they were in training; and in providing the
dresses and equipments for the performance.'-Jebb, 'Theophr.
Char.' xxv. 3. For those of the gymnasiarchy, see 'Dict. of
Antiq.' 'Gymnasium.' For that of the trierarchy, see Jebb, op.
cit. xxv. 9; xxix. 16; Boeckh, 'P. E. A.' IV. xi.
[30] See 'Econ.' ii. 6; Thuc. vi. 31.
[31] See Boeckh, 'P. E. A.' II. xvi. p. 241.
[32] For the system of judicature, the {dikasteria}, and the boards of
jurymen or judges, see Aristot. 'Constitution of Athens,' ch.
lxiii.; 'Dict. of Antiq.' s.v.
To speak next of the allies, and in reference to the point that emissaries[33] from Athens come out, and, according to common opinion, calumniate and vent their hatred[34] upon the better sort of people, this is done[35] on the principle that the ruler cannot help being hated by those whom he rules; but that if wealth and respectability are to wield power in the subject cities the empire of the Athenian People has but a short lease of existence. This explains why the better people are punished with infamy,[36] robbed of their money, driven from their homes, and put to death, while the baser sort are promoted to honour. On the other hand, the better Athenians throw their aegis over the better class in the allied cities.[37] And why? Because they recognise that it is to the interest of their own class at all times to protect the best element in the cities. It may be urged[38] that if it comes to strength and power the real strength of Athens lies in the capacity of her allies to contribute their money quota. But to the democratic mind[39] it appears a higher advantage still for the individual Athenian to get hold of the wealth of the allies, leaving them only enough to live upon and to cultivate their estates, but powerless to harbour treacherous designs.
[33] For {oi ekpleontes}, see Grote, 'H. G.' vi. p. 41.
[34] Reading {misousi}; or, if with Kirchhoff, {meiousi}, 'in every
way humiliate.'
[35] Or, '[they do so] as recognising the fact.'
[36] {atimia} = the loss of civil rights, either total or partial. See
C. R. Kennedy, 'Select Speeches of Demosthenes,' Note 13,
Disenfranchisement.
[37] See Thuc. viii. 48.
[38] See Grote, 'H. G.' vi. 53.
[39] Or, 'to a thorough democrat.'
Again,[40] it is looked upon as a mistaken policy on the part of the Athenian democracy to compel her allies to voyage to Athens in order to have their cases tried.[41] On the other hand, it is easy to reckon up what a number of advantages the Athenian People derive from the practice impugned. In the first place, there is the steady receipt of salaries throughout the year[42] derived from the court fees.[43] Next, it enables them to manage the affairs of the allied states while seated at home without the expense of naval expeditions. Thirdly, they thus preserve the partisans of the democracy, and ruin her opponents in the law courts. Whereas, supposing the several allied states tried their cases at home, being inspired by hostility to Athens, they would destroy those of their own citizens whose friendship to the Athenian People was most marked. But besides all this the democracy derives the following advantages from hearing the cases of her allies in Athens. In the first place, the one per cent[44] levied in Piraeus is increased to the profit of the state; again, the owner of a lodging- house[45] does better, and so, too, the owner of a pair of beasts, or of slaves to be let out on hire;[46] again, heralds and criers[47] are a class of people who fare better owing to the sojourn of foreigners at Athens. Further still, supposing the allies had not to resort to Athens for the hearing of cases, only the official representative of the imperial state would be held in honour, such as the general, or trierarch, or ambassador. Whereas now every single individual among the allies is forced to pay flattery to the People of Athens because he knows that he must betake himself to Athens and win or lose[48] his case at the bar, not of any stray set of judges, but of the sovereign People itself, such being the law and custom at
