purpose of stirring up political agitation. It was clear that such meetings as they convened, where those assembled could only be counted by tens of thousands, were too large for deliberation, and were only meant for intimidation; and equally clear that, though the existing laws may have armed the magistrate with authority to disperse such meetings, they did not furnish him with the means of doing so without at least the risk of bloodshed (for such a risk must be involved in the act of putting soldiers in motion), and still less did they invest him with the desirable power of preventing such meetings. It was necessary, therefore, to go back to the original principles and objects of every constitution, the tranquillity, safety, and welfare of the nation at large. And it does not appear that this bill went beyond what was necessary for that object. Indeed, though party divisions are not always trustworthy tests of the wisdom or propriety of a measure, the unusual magnitude of the majorities by which on this occasion the minister was supported in both Houses may fairly be regarded as a testimony to the necessity of the bill,[180] while its sufficiency was proved by the abandonment of all such meetings, and the general freedom from agitation in every part Of the country which prevailed in the following year, though its most remarkable incident was one of which demagogues might well have taken advantage, if they had not had so convincing a proof of the power of government, and of the resolution of the ministers to exert it.[181]
Notes:
[Footnote 172: Against Junot, at Vimiera and Rolica, in 1808; Soult, at Oporto, and Victor, at Talavera, in 1809; Massena and Ney, at Busaco and Torres Vedras, in 1810; Massena and Bessieres, at Fuentes d'Onor, in 1811. Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz had been taken in 1812, in spite of the neighborhood of Soult and Marmont. In July, 1813, a month after the formation of Lord Liverpool's ministry, he routed Marmont at Salamanca; in 1813 he took Madrid, and routed Jourdain at Vittoria; and, having subsequently defeated Soult at Sauroren, he crossed the French frontier in October.]
[Footnote 173: A resolution, moved by Mr. Canning, to take the claims of the Roman Catholics into consideration in the next session had been carried in June by the large majority of 129; and when Lord Wellesley brought forward a similar motion in the House of Lords, not only did Lord Liverpool 'protest against its being inferred from any declaration of his that it was, or ever had been, his opinion that under no circumstances would it be possible to make any alteration in the laws respecting the Roman Catholics,' but the Chancellor, Lord Eldon, who was generally regarded as the stoutest champion of the existing law, rested his opposition entirely on political grounds, explaining carefully that he opposed the motion, 'not because he quarrelled with the religion of the Roman Catholics, but because their religious opinions operated on their political principles in such a way as to render it necessary to adopt some defence against them,' and met the motion by moving the previous question, avowedly because 'he did not wish, at once and forever, to shut the door of conciliation;' and the previous question was only carried by a single vote-126 to 125.]
[Footnote 174: 'It (difference on the Catholic question) was an evil submitted to by the government, of which Mr. Fox, Lord Grenville, and Lord Grey were members, in the years 1806, 1807, as well as by the governments of Mr. Perceval, Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of Wellington.'-
[Footnote 175: To whom the chief glory of the Waterloo campaign belongs there can, of course, be no doubt; and though the Austrians and Prussians put forward a claim to an equal share, and Russia even to a preponderating one, in the first deposition of Napoleon, he himself constantly attributed his fall more to the Peninsular contest than to any of his wars east of the Rhine. And, indeed, it is superfluous to point out that almost to the last he gained occasional victories over the Continental armies, but that he never gained one advantage over the British force; and that Wellington invaded France the first week of October, 1813-nearly three months before a single Russian or German soldier crossed the Rhine.]
[Footnote 176: Letter to Sir W. Scott, Twiss's 'Life of Lord Eldon,' ii., 272. It is remarkable that in his 'Life of Lord Ellenborough' Lord Campbell takes no notice of this case.]
[Footnote 177: The opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor General, Sir S. Shepperd and Sir R. Gifford, is given at length in the author's 'Life of Lord Liverpool,' ii., 373.]
[Footnote 178: It is a shrewd observation of Sully, that it is never any abstract desire for theoretical reforms, or even for increased privileges, which excites in lower classes to discontent and outrage, but only impatience under actual suffering.]
[Footnote 179: The bill (entitled 'The Seditious Meetings Prevention Bill'), 60 George III., c. 6, is given at full length in Hansard's 'Parliamentary Debates,' series 1., vol. xli., p. 1655.]
[Footnote 180: In the House of Lords the majority was 135 to 38; in the House of Commons, 851 to 128. And even of this minority, many would have supported the bill, if the ministers would have consented to adopt an amendment proposed by Lord Althorp, to limit its operation to a few of the northern and midland counties, in which alone, as he contended, any spirit of dangerous disaffection had been exhibited.]
[Footnote 181: It may be as well to mention that these pages were written in the autumn of 1880.]
CHAPTER VIII. Survey of the Reign of George III.-The Cato Street Conspiracy.-The Queen's Return to England, and the Proceedings against her.-The King Visits Ireland and Scotland.-Reform of the Criminal Code.-Freedom of Trade.-Death of Lord Liverpool.-The Duke of Wellington becomes Prime-minister.-Repeal of the Test and Corporation Act.-O'Connell is Elected for Clare.-Peel Resigns his Seat for Oxford.-Catholic Emancipation.- Question of the Endowment of the Roman Catholic Clergy.-Constitutional Character of the Emancipation.-The Propriety of Mr. Peel's Resignation of his Seat for Oxford Questioned.
In the first month of 1820 George III. died. His had been an eventful reign, strangely checkered with disaster and glory; but, if we compare its close with its commencement, it was still more remarkably distinguished by a development of the resources and an increase in the wealth and power of the nation, to which the history of no other country in the same space of time affords any parallel.
Regarded from the first point of view, our successes greatly outweighed our disasters. The loss of our North American Colonies, the only event which can be so described, was far more than counterbalanced by our vast acquisitions in India, at the Cape of Good Hope, and Malta; while to our maritime supremacy, in the complete establishment of which Rodney and Nelson had crowned the work of Anson and Hawke, was now added a splendor of military renown far surpassing that achieved by any other of the nations which had borne their share in the overthrow of Napoleon.
The increase of our resources is sufficiently shown by a single fact. At his accession George III. found the kingdom engaged in the great seven years' war; one British army employed beyond the Rhine, another in India; fleets traversing the seas in every direction, capturing the Havana, in the West Indies; Manilla, in the East; and routing French squadrons in sight of their own harbors. While, to maintain these varied armaments, supplies were voted by Parliament in 1761 to what Lord Stanhope calls 'the unprecedented amount of almost twenty millions.' In 1813 the supplies reached nearly six times that amount,[182] and that prodigious sum was raised with greater ease than the revenue of 1761, the interest on the necessary loans being also lower than it had been on the former occasion.
The philosophical man of science will point with at least equal exultation to the great discoveries in art and science; to the achievements of the mechanic, the engineer, and the chemist; to the labors of Brindley and Arkwright and Watts, to which, indeed, this great expansion of the resources and growth of the wealth of the country is principally owing.
While, as the preceding chapters of this work have been designed to show, our political progress and advancement had been no less steady or valuable; yet, important from a constitutional point of view as were many of the labors of our legislators in these sixty years, they are surpassed in their influence on the future history of the nation, as well as in the reality and greatness of the changes which were produced by them in the constitution, by the transactions of the reigns of the next two sovereigns, though the two united scarcely equalled in their duration a quarter of that of their venerable father.
It has been seen how Pitt was baffled in his efforts to remodel the House of Commons, and to remove the
