the position taken up by Sir Robert Peel is impregnable: that, on every view of the principles and practice of the constitution, there was no doubt of the right of the sovereign to dismiss his ministers or to dissolve the Parliament at his pleasure; and that those acts can only be judged of by a consideration of their expediency. Inexpedient, indeed, the dismissal of the preceding ministry is generally considered to have been, even in the interest of the Conservatives themselves. But inexpedient the dissolution can hardly be pronounced to have been, since, though the new election failed to give them a majority in the House of Commons, it beyond all doubt greatly strengthened their minority. On the other hand, though it cannot be denied that the House of Commons has a perfect right to express its disapproval of any or every act of the minister, it is not so clear that Lord Morpeth's invitation to it to express its dissatisfaction with this particular act of dissolution was, on general principles, expedient or safe; since such a vote is making a perilous approach to claiming for the House the right of being asked for its consent to its own dissolution, a claim the admission of which had been one of the most fatal, if not the most fatal, of all the concessions of Charles I.
As to the Duke of Wellington's assumption of a variety of offices, it is probable that when he first proposed to the King to confer them on him, he anticipated no objection whatever from any quarter, since he had so little idea of there being any impropriety in holding two offices, were they ever so apparently incongruous, if his Majesty should have directed him to do so, that seven years before, when he became Prime-minister, he had at first designed permanently to retain the command of the army in conjunction with the Treasury, and had only been induced to abandon the intention by the urgent remonstrance of Sir Robert Peel; and, constitutionally, there does not seem to be any limitation of the sovereign's power to confer offices, to unite or to divide them. Indeed, the different Secretary-ships of State seem to owe their existence entirely to his will, and not to any act of Parliament. He can diminish the number, if he should think fit, as he did in 1782, when, on the termination of the American war, he forbore to appoint a successor to Lord George Germaine, in Lord Rockingham's administration; or he can increase the numbers, as he did in 1794, when he revived the third Secretaryship, which he had suppressed twelve years before, without any act of Parliament being passed to direct either the suspension or the revival. He can even leave the most important offices vacant, and intrust the performance of their duties to a commission, as was done in this very year 1835, when the Great Seal was put in commission, and the duties, for above two years, were performed by commissioners, who had other duties also to discharge; and these instances may, perhaps, warrant the conclusion that the distribution of the different posts in what is generally known as the cabinet is dictated by considerations of what is practicable and expedient rather than by any positive and invariable rule or principle.
Yet it does not follow that, because the constitution was not violated or endangered by such an arrangement, the leaders of the Opposition did other than their duty in calling attention to it. Unquestionably, it is historically true that the liberties of the people owe their preservation, growth, and vigor to the jealous watchfulness to check the first and slightest appearance of any attempt to encroach upon them, which has been constantly exercised from the very earliest times by an almost unbroken series of fearless and independent patriots. And in this instance the very novelty of such an arrangement as had taken place did of itself make criticism a duty; though it may also be thought that the critics acted wisely in contenting themselves with calling notice to it, and abstaining from asking Parliament to pronounce a formal judgment on it, since any express censure would have been unwarranted either by the facts of the case or by any inference to be drawn from previous usage, while an approval of it would wear the appearance not only of sanctioning, but even of inviting a repetition of an arrangement which, if ever attempted to be carried out in actual practice, must tend to grave inconvenience, if not to discredit.
Lord Melbourne resumed office, and, being strengthened by the manifest inability of the opposite party to command the confidence of the House of Commons, began to apply himself with vigor to the carrying out of several measures of internal reform, some of which involved not only the property but the long-established rights of very considerable bodies, and, as so doing, have an importance in a constitutional point of view, besides that arising from their immediate effects. Peel had been equally alive to the desirableness, so cogent as almost to amount to a moral necessity, of introducing reforms into more than one old institution, such as should bring them more into harmony with the spirit of the age, remodelling or terminating some arrangements which were manifest abuses, and others which, though, if dispassionately examined and properly understood, they, perhaps, were not really grievances, yet in their operation caused such discontent and heart-burnings that they were as mischievous as many others far more indefensible in theory. And, short-lived as his administration had been, he had found time to frame and introduce an extensive measure of Church reform, not only dealing with the question of tithes, the levy and collection of which in some of their details had long been made subjects of bitter complaints by the farmers, but including also provision for the creation of two new bishoprics, those of Ripon and Manchester. No part of his measure was more imperatively called for by the present circumstances of the nation, or of greater importance in its future operation. There had been no increase in the number of bishops since the reign of Elizabeth; but since her time not only had the population of the entire kingdom been quadrupled, but some districts which had then been very scantily peopled had become exceedingly populous. These districts had hitherto been almost destitute of Episcopal supervision, which now was thus to be supplied to them. But the new legislation did more. It might be expected that the growth of the population would continue, and would in time require a farther and corresponding increase of the Episcopate; and the erection of these new dioceses was, therefore, not only the supplying of a present want, but the foundation of a system for increasing the efficiency of the Church which should be capable of gradual progressive expansion, as the growth of the population in various districts might be found to require additional facilities for supervision. And the judgment with which the new arrangement met the requirements of the community may be regarded as proved by the circumstance that now, after the lapse of nearly half a century, it is maintained in active operation, and is admitted by all parties not only to be of the greatest practical benefit, but also to have a moral effect scarcely less valuable in the degree in which it has stimulated the application of private munificence to the great work of Church extension.
But before Lord Grey quitted office his government had also called the attention of Parliament to the necessity of a large municipal reform, which, indeed, it seemed to them that the Reform Bill had bound them, in all consistency, to introduce. In the speech with which the King had closed the session of 1833, he had informed the Houses that he had 'directed commissions to be issued for investigating the state of the municipal corporations throughout the United Kingdom, the result of whose inquiries would enable them to mature some measure which might seem best fitted to place the internal government of corporate cities and towns upon a solid foundation in respect of their finances, their judicature, and their police.' He reminded them that they had recently passed acts 'for giving constitutions upon sound principles to the royal and parliamentary boroughs of Scotland,' and warned them that 'their attention would hereafter be called to the expediency of extending similar advantages to the unincorporated towns in England which had now acquired the right of returning members to Parliament.' The commission of which his Majesty thus spoke had now presented its report, strongly condemnatory of the existing system in almost every point of view; of the constitution and mode of election of the existing corporations, and of their government of the towns over which they presided. It declared that 'even where they existed in their least imperfect form, and were most rightfully administered, they were inadequate to the wants of the present state of society.' But they charged them also with positive offences of no venial kind. 'They had perverted their powers to political ends, sacrificing local interests to party purposes. They had diverted from their legitimate use revenues which ought to have been applied for the public advantage, wasting them in many instances for the benefit of individuals; sometimes even employing for purposes of corruption funds originally intended for charitable uses.' And they asserted that this too common misconduct of these bodies had engendered 'among a great majority of the inhabitants of the incorporated towns a general and just dissatisfaction with their municipal institutions, a distrust of the self-elected municipal councils, and of the municipal magistracy, tainting with suspicion the local administration of justice.' And therefore they 'felt it their duty to represent to his Majesty that the existing municipal corporations of England and Wales neither possessed nor deserved the confidence and respect of his Majesty's subjects; and that a thorough reform must be effected before they could become what they ought to be, useful and efficient instruments of local government.'
It would be superfluous here to repeat the story of the rise of the boroughs, whose gradual acquisition of charters, with privileges and powers of various degrees, has been sufficiently investigated by Hallam.[237] What the Parliament had now to deal with was the way in which the system worked in the nineteenth century; and here it must be confessed that the report of the commissioners, severe as it was, did in no degree exaggerate the prevailing evils. The corporations had gradually become self-elected oligarchies of the worst kind. It must be admitted that, in perverting their authority to political purposes, they might plead the excuse that they were but following the example set them by the ministers of William III., who introduced into their bill for restoring the
