Without warning

‘struggle’ he referred to had degenerated from incipient anarchy into civil war and from there into a confused and savage blood-swarm. Tracking the movements of the country’s nuclear submarines was consuming almost as much attention from the surviving great powers as speculating on the disposition of those assets should the French Government finally succumb to the intifada.

‘The situation within EUCOM is fluid,’ said Maccomb, continuing with his penchant for understatement. ‘The British Government is still enforcing its maritime exclusion zone and has secretly begun work to seal its end of the Channel Tunnel.’

That was a surprise to Ritchie. Since Franks had returned from Qatar and replaced him as Acting Chairman, he was no longer fully briefed on developments in Europe. Last he’d seen, Tony Blair was still denying that the Brits intended to do any such thing.

‘The state of emergency remains in place throughout Britain, but we are informed that it will be lifted in Northern Ireland as of 0600 hours tomorrow. Our best information to hand is that the Blair Government will ignore the ultimatum from the European Union to release all of the so-called emergency detainees and is in fact planning to deport significant numbers of them.’

A murmur rippled around the table at this last revelation from Maccomb.

‘With permission, General?’ Ritchie asked Franks.

The chairman nodded. ‘Make it quick, Jim.’

‘Do you have anything more precise than just “significant numbers”, Colonel?’ asked Ritchie. ‘Are they talking about flying out a couple of crazy mullahs or are we looking at mass deportations?’ The admiral’s daughter was in England, having escaped the Disappearance by a matter of hours. She was in no immediate danger, but the news coming out of the UK was growing darker every day.

‘My information is that the forced relocations will probably take place on a greater rather than lesser scale, Admiral,’ Maccomb replied. ‘Much greater. They will probably involve a significant drain on the security forces. It will be a controversial policy’

Sitting next to Ritchie, General Franks grunted and leaned forward. ‘Ha. You know how to sugar-coat a shit sandwich, don’t you, Colonel? It’ll be a bloodbath. They’re talking about deporting hundreds of thousands of second- and third-generation citizens. It’s a pogrom, pure and simple. But,’ he sighed, ‘it’s only our problem if it affects us operationally. What’s your latest on the money Blair promised us?’

Colonel Maccomb coughed uncomfortably, and sipped from a glass of water by the podium before answering. ‘General, the best information I have is that the special appropriations bill will pass with the help of the Conservatives. There are a hundred and thirty-four members of Blair’s Labour Government who have publicly confirmed they will vote against it, but the Conservative Party leader has pledged his support so it will go through.’

‘And this little ethnic cleansing program of theirs, what’s your reading of that?’ Franks probed further. ‘Is it likely to bring down the government? And if so, can we expect the same level of support from the British in future?’

Ritchie thought Maccomb looked even more uncomfortable at being asked to read the storm clouds of British politics, but it was a fair question. For the moment, at least, most of the day-today cost of running the US military was being met by alliance partners such as Britain and Japan. NATO was split on the issue, with countries like Poland stumping up support in cash and kind, while others, like France, were so busy falling apart they were worse than useless, as Ritchie knew all too well.

‘The policy is supported by a clear majority of the British electorate,’ said Maccomb. ‘But the significant minority who oppose it can be expected to do so by all the means at their disposal. There will be bloodshed, yes. From our point of view, however, both the government and the opposition are committed to the supplementary appropriations process. So any change in government will not affect that. However, whether the UK can actually afford to maintain such outlays, even in the short term, is another matter entirely. And not one I am really qualified to discuss.’

Franks smiled grimly. ‘Nice buck pass, Colonel. Damn, I never thought I’d see out my days as a gun for hire. Okay. We’ll put that on the back burner. Continue.’

The intelligence officer returned to his notes and brought up a slide show of images culled from European news media.

‘Fighting in France has intensified over the last two weeks. Elements of the state are in open conflict with each other, while large-scale street clashes that began as food and race riots have developed into open, disorganised tribal warfare – largely based on ethnic lines, but exacerbated by the involvement of some criminal syndicates in Marseilles and Lyons, and by the arrival of outside agitators from throughout the EU. Most official border crossing points have been closed, but that means nothing. France’s borders aren’t simply porous. They largely do not exist, and haven’t for years. Additionally, we have very strong indications of government-level assistance for some of this cross-border movement, especially of skinhead gangs from the eastern regions of Germany into the main metropolitan areas of France. The numbers involved are not trivial, either. We tracked three train-loads of neo-Nazis from Berlin and Dresden all the way to Paris. In total, they numbered more than four thousand strong.’

‘Good Lord,’ muttered Ritchie. ‘You mentioned these were government-sanctioned movements. Which government?’

Maccomb pressed his lips together as though chewing over something unpleasant. ‘It is inaccurate to speak of a unitary state authority in France right now,’ he began, carefully. ‘But one bureau of their Direction centrale des renseignements generaux, the General Information Service, has been in close and constant contact with the BND, the German Government’s foreign intelligence service, and the Russian FSB, which maintains extensive networks in the former East German provinces. It’s significant because the GIS, as we call it, is the intelligence arm of the French police, which answers directly to the Interior Minister, Mr Nicolas Sarkozy. And, of course, his Emergency Committee has assumed, or some would say usurped, responsibility for state security from the Elysйe Palace since President Chirac was wounded in the suicide bombing of March 25.’

Ritchie, who had privileged access to information about the situation in France that nobody in the room other than Franks enjoyed, still found Maccomb’s explanation difficult to follow. ‘I don’t see how this all hangs together, Colonel,’ he objected. ‘What is your point?’

Maccomb shrugged before bringing up video footage copied from a French news service. Up on the wall- mounted screen, a hugely violent confrontation was playing out between thousands of rioters in Clichy-sous-Bois, a poor commune in the east of Paris. Hundreds of black-clad French riot police stood by as a wave of shaven-headed thugs appeared from a maze of side streets in a coordinated assault on a mass of dark-skinned rioters. Armed with clubs and even-edged weapons, they cut a swathe through their densely packed, inferior-armed opponents.