Secretary of the Air Force Salazar “Sal” Banderas smiled and nodded as he returned to his chair. Standing in front of their chairs, arrayed around the conference table in the meeting area adjacent to the secretary’s office, were General Charles Huffman, the Air Force chief of staff, and General Robert Wiehl, commander of Air Force Space Command at Peterson Air Force Base, Colorado, and dual-hatted as U.S. Space Command chief. “I guess you could say it is, Dr. Page,” Banderas said. “You know everyone here, yes?”
“Of course, Mr. Secretary,” Ann said as she shook hands with all the men in the room. They respectfully stayed standing until Ann took her seat, even Banderas. She noticed that copies of the two latest reports she had submitted to the secretary of the Air Force were before each of them, along with other reports-contrary opinions, no doubt.
“Dr. Page, I’ll get right to it: If what you’ve said in these reports is even half true, I’m completely blown away,” Banderas said. “Two successful back-to-back tests of space-based weapons. I’m impressed. Congratulations.”
“Thank you, Mr. Secretary,” Ann said. “I assure you, the results are accurate, and my conclusions and recommendations for follow-on funding, development, and deployment are as well.” She looked around the table, trying to gauge the opinions and positions of the others, but they were all too politically savvy to allow their facial expressions or body language to reveal their thoughts…not yet at least. “My office runs out of R-and-D money for the Trinity weapon series soon. Most of the funding came from the Martindale administration, canceled programs, and funds borrowed from other areas. I’m requesting an increase in funding for 2014 through 2020 and a supplemental for the rest of this fiscal year and for the next.”
“To do what, Dr. Page?” General Huffman asked. He opened her report to a tabbed page. “You want to spend twenty billion dollars this next fiscal year plus ten billion a year for the next ten years to launch forty-eight ‘weapon garages’ into low Earth orbit, armed with these Trinity kill vehicles? That’s twenty percent of our current budget! Where in the world did this plan come from?”
“The plan came from a continuing request from Congress for persistent, global, rapid strike following the destruction of the manned bomber and land-based intercontinental ballistic-missile forces after the Russian bomber attack on the United States, General,” Ann replied. “President Gardner’s response was to add four aircraft carrier battle groups over the next ten years at a cost of ten billion dollars a year.”
“It’s proven technology at less cost, Ann,” Banderas commented.
“But it doesn’t fulfill the mandate, Mr. Secretary,” Ann said. “Even with sea-launched cruise missiles, which our adversaries are better able to detect and destroy, the Navy can hold less than thirty percent of all strategic targets in Russia and China at risk. Even against those targets we can reach, even a sixteen-carrier fleet could take days to be in a position to attack, and then its ability to attack is affected by environmental conditions. And as we saw just recently, the carrier is becoming more and more vulnerable to a wider array of threats.”
“The argument’s been made that long-range strike is no longer necessary,” Banderas said flatly. “After the American Holocaust, strategic attack was all but killed off.”
“I think the same was said before the American Holocaust, sir,” Ann said. The American Holocaust was a Russian sneak attack using supersonic low-yield nuclear-tipped cruise missiles on American antiballistic-missile defense launch and radar sites, intercontinental ballistic-missile launch control centers, and long-range bomber bases. The attack killed several thousand persons, injured hundreds of thousands more, and in effect destroyed America ’s land-based nuclear deterrent. America ’s counterattack took place shortly thereafter, when Patrick McLanahan led a force of the surviving B-52, B-1, and B-2 bombers to capture a Russian air base in Siberia, from which he staged search-and-destroy missions throughout Russia that destroyed the majority of Russia ’s fixed and mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles.
The attacks left the two countries with a rough parity of nuclear-armed long-range missiles-the United States had its fourteen Trident ballistic-missile submarines, which had not been attacked (although it was widely believed that Russia had a follow-on attack mission ready), and a handful of long-range bombers, and Russia had two dozen surviving ICBM launchers and a handful of nuclear submarines. The world breathed a silent sigh of relief because now everyone saw the unspeakable horror of nuclear war, and all nuclear nations pledged to work to mothball all of their remaining nuclear weapons and delivery systems so the nightmare was never repeated.
“And now you’re proposing to create another arms race, Ann-this one in space,” Banderas said. “We put forty- eight weapon garages in orbit; China launches sixty; Russia launches a hundred. They start putting nukes in their garages; we modify our garages to attack their garages; they do the same to theirs. That’s a race we don’t need to start.”
“That race is already under way, sir,” Ann said. “Both Russia and China are stepping up their space launches; China has a space station aloft that they admit is being used for military research. Every nation knows that space is the ultimate high ground, and that the United States is way ahead in space technology. They will do one of two things: cooperate or compete.”
“Most countries are cooperating, Madam Secretary,” U.S. Space Command General Wiehl said. “With the Shuttle retired, we rely on the Russians almost every month for spacelift to the International Space Station.”
“I know that, General, and it worries me,” Ann said. “What if the Russians decided not to send Soyuz to the ISS anymore?”
“They wouldn’t do that, Doctor,” Wiehl said. “ Russia has invested a lot into the ISS, and they usually have one or two cosmonauts aboard. They rely on us as much as we rely on them.” But the sharpness of his rebuttal showed Ann that perhaps the question worried him more than he let on.
“Let’s get back to Dr. Page’s proposal,” Secretary Banderas said, glancing at his watch. “Twenty billion to put forty-eight…you called them ‘garages’? What’s in this ‘garage’?”
“Each weapon platform carries an infrared sensor, a tracking and targeting radar, electro-optical surveillance cameras, maneuvering engines, control and communications systems, and six Trinity kill vehicles-a mix of three antiballistic missile and defensive missiles, and three Mjollnir reentry vehicles,” Ann said. “The platforms are small enough to be placed into orbit with smaller boosters like Athena Two, Taurus, or the Midnight spaceplane, and they’re designed to be reloadable from manned or unmanned spacecraft.”
“Why forty-eight of these garages? Can it be done with fewer?”
“The number is based on commercial communications satellite structures that provide continuous global coverage, sir,” Ann said. “At an orbital altitude of about two to three hundred miles, which makes them easily accessible by our spaceplanes for servicing, there will be at least six platforms continuously overhead almost every spot on the planet.”
“So six garages with three antiballistic-missile interceptors-assuming some aren’t used to defend the garages themselves-is just eighteen interceptors able to respond at any moment to an attack,” Wiehl said. “Doesn’t sound like that many.”
“If we’re being attacked by more than eighteen enemy missiles-especially nuclear ones-we have a serious problem that wouldn’t be solved by twice as many interceptors, General,” Ann said with a wry smile. “The antiballistic-missile portion of the system is, of course, part of a layered system that includes boost-phase and terminal defenses.”
She turned to Secretary Banderas. “Sir, you’ve said it yourself many times: the Air Force has to do more with less; we have to field multi-role systems. The platforms are much more than just for space-based weapons. The sensors on board each platform and the integration of their data with other space assets through Armstrong Space Station will be invaluable to operators around the world. This network will provide real-time infrared, radar, and optical imagery to all users-even the Navy.” She leaned forward and opened her hands. “That’s the way we sell it to Secretary Turner and the White House.”
“This is a benefit for the Navy? That’s how we sell it?”
“The president is an unabashed Navy advocate,” Ann said. “He and SECDEF both believe that the Navy is the preeminent military power of the United States of America, and that every other service, especially the Air Force, is a support service. If that’s the way they want to see us, that’s fine. But let’s design a support mission that suits us, not fit in with how they see us.”
Secretary Banderas thought for a moment, then, as Ann breathed a sigh of relief, nodded. “I like it, Ann,” he said. “Global look, global persistence, global availability, with self-protection and antiballistic-missile capabilities-and run by the Air Force.”
“I think we’ll have real problems with the land-attack option, sir,” Chief of Staff Huffman said. “Even though these Mjollnir space weapons don’t technically violate any treaties, the whole idea of weapons raining down on top of you from space will spook a lot of people, possibly including the president.”
