nationhood. Among Gobind's institutions were the abolition of caste, the adoption of the surnames Singh and Kaur (lion and lioness), and the famous five k's (bangle, shorts, comb, dagger, and uncut hair). It was a fighting order, soon numbering 80,000, and under Runjeet Singh it reached the height of its power.

Contact with the British seems to have inspired him to build an army on European lines, with the assistance of French, Italian, British, American, German, and Russian instructors. The result was a superb force, quite as disciplined and formidable as Flashman describes it, well trained and equipped, and (a point not to be overlooked in examining the origins of the Sikh War) bent on conquest. Once Runjeet's iron hand was gone, the Khalsa was the real power in the Punjab, whose rulers could only hope to conciliate it. The panches which controlled it were elected by the men in accordance with village tradition.

At Runjeet's death, the numerical strength of the Khalsa was estimated at 29,000, with 192 guns. By 1845 this had risen to 45,000 regular infantry, 4000 regular cavalry, and 22,000 irregular horse (gorracharra), with 276 guns. That this figure rose further during the year seems certain; Flash-man and his contemporaries mention both 80,000 and 100,000, but how many of these would be effectives it is impossible to say. He also uses the terms Khalsa, Sikhs, and Punjabis loosely when referring to the Punjab army; it should be remarked that the Khalsa as he knew it was not composed exclusively of Sikhs. (For a breakdown of the Khalsa's strength in 1845, see Carmichael Smyth, Reigning Family, appendix; for notes on the foreign mercenaries employed by Runjeet Singh, see Gardner's Memoirs. Also works already cited in Note 6.)

18. The Akalis were the commandos of the Khalsa, a strict sect known variously as the Timeless Ones, the Children of God the Immortal, and the Crocodiles; a footnote to George Broadfoot's biography typically describes them as 'devoted to misrule and plunder'.

19. Since Flashman refers later in the manuscript to a Cooper pepperbox, it is probable that the pistol he drew on Dalip Singh was a Cooper also. They were manufactured from about 1840 by J. R. Cooper, a British gunsmith, and fired six rounds. (See The Revolver, 1818-65, by A. W. F. Taylerson, R. A. N. Andrews, and J. Frith (1968))

20. There is a mystery here: the 'tough, shrewd-looking heavyweight' who called on Flashman with Bhai Ram Singh hardly sounds like the 'good, kind, and polite old Fakir Azizudeen' who had been Runjeet Singh's foreign minister, and was still to the fore at this time, although he died of natural causes a few weeks later. Both the physical description and the style are inconsistent; indeed, the only way in which Bhai Ram's companion resembles Azizudeen is in his uncompromising honesty. Either Flashman's visitor was another courtier altogether, and he has simply got the name wrong, or his descriptive memory is playing him false for once.

21. Flashman has caught the spirit but slightly misquoted the letter of Robert Herrick's 'Upon Julia's Clothes':

Next, when I cast mine eyes and see

That brave vibration each way free;

O how that glittering taketh me!

He quotes Herrick again (p. 277), but it is doubtful if he had any special affection for the poet, or would even have recognised his name. The Flashman Papers abound in erratic literary allusions—the present volume contains echoes of Donne, Shakespeare, Macaulay, Coleridge. Voltaire, Dick-ens, Scott, Congreve, Byron, Pope, Lewis Carroll, Norse mythology, and obscure corners of the Old Testament—but it would be rash to conclude that Flashman had any close acquaintance with the authors; more probably the allusions were picked up second hand from conversations and casual reading, with two exceptions. He knew Macaulay personally, and had certainly read his Lays, and he seems to have had a genuine liking for Thomas Love Peacock, whose caustic humour and strictures on Whiggery, political economy, and academics probably appealed to him. For the rest, we may judge that Flashman's frequent references to Punch, Pierce Egan's Tom and Jerry, and sensational fiction like Varney the Vampire, more fairly reflect his literary taste; we know from an earlier volume that the word Trollope meant only one thing to him, and it was not the author.

22. Alexander Haughton Campbell Gardner, 'Gurdana Khan' (1785-1877), is an extraordinary figure even for an age and region which saw such adventurers as 'Sekundar' Burnes, Count Ignatieff, Yakub Beg, Pottinger, Connolly, Avitabile, and John Nicholson. He was born on the shore of Lake Superior, in what is now Wisconsin, the son of a Scottish surgeon and his Anglo-Spanish wife; Dr Gardner had served on the American side in the War of Independence, and knew both Washington and Lafayette. Young Alexander spent some years in Ireland, where he seems to have learned military gunnery, possibly in the British Army, went to Egypt, and travelled by caravan from Jericho to Russia, where his brother was a government engineer. Thence he went to Central Asia, where for several years his life was one of continual warfare, raid, ambush, escape and exploration among the wild tribes; he fought as a mercenary, and for a time appears to have been little more than a wandering bandit—'Food we obtained by levying contributions from everyone we could master,' he writes in his Memoirs, 'but we did not slaughter except in self-defence.' He seems to have had to defend himself with fatal frequency, both as soldier and freebooter, as well as escaping from slave-traders, being attacked by a wolf-pack, leading an expedition against Peshawar under the sacred banner of the Khalifa ('all burning with religious zeal and the desire to work their will in the rich city') and spending nine months in an under-ground dungeon. He rose to command a hill region with his own private fort under the rebel Habibullah Khan, who was opposing the Afghan monarch, Dost Mohammed, and it was on a foray to kidnap a princess from Dost Mohammed's harem (with her treasure) that he met his first wife—an incident described in his best laconic style:

In the course of the running fight to our stronghold I was enabled to see the beautiful face of a young girl who accompanied the princess. I rode for a consider-able time beside her, pretending that my respect for the elder lady made me choose that side of her camel … On the following morning Habibulla Khan richly rewarded his followers, but I refused my share of the gold and begged for this girl to be given to me in marriage .

She was, and for two years they lived happily, until Gardner returned from an action in which he had lost 51 men out of 90, to find that his fort had been attacked, and his wife had stabbed herself rather than be taken prisoner; their baby son had also been murdered. Although he continued in Afghanistan for some years, and was reconciled with Dost Mohammed, he eventually took service in the Punjab with Runjeet Singh, training the Khalsa in gunnery, fought in various actions, and was in Lahore in the six years of bloodshed and intrigue following Runjeet's death. He was guard commander to the infant Dalip Singh and Rani Jeendan at the time of his meeting with Flashman, but he was strongly pro-British (his friends included Henry Lawrence) and believed that India's future would be best served by ever closer communion with the United Kingdom. In his letter 'from John Bull of India to John Bull of England', he envisaged the development of India as a great industrial nation, with Indians playing their part in the highest posts in civil and military life, and being represented in both Houses at Westminster. Physically, Gardner was as Flashman describes him—six feet tall, fierce, lean, and of iron constitution. As a result of one of his numerous wounds he was unable to swallow solid food, and could drink only with the help of an iron collar, but even in his eightieth year he was said to be as active as a man of fifty, lively and humorous, and speaking an English which was 'quaint, graphic, and wonderfully good considering his fifty years among Asiatics'. The photograph in his Memoirs shows a splendid old war-horse, beak-nosed and with bristling whiskers, seated sword in hand and clad in a full suit of tartan, even to his plumed turban. He bought the cloth from a Highland regiment in India, but which tartan it is cannot be told from the monochrome picture, and thereby hangs a small mystery.

Flashman says it was the tartan of the 79th (Cameron) Highlanders, and describes it as red or crimson— which is slightly puzzling, since the 79th's kilt is largely dark blue, being a hybrid of the MacDonald and a crimson element from the Lochiel Cameron. It may be that Flashman, who knew his military tartans, regarded it as 'red' only by contrast with those of the four other Highland regiments, which are predominantly dark blue-green. The only other explanation is that he was entirely mistaken, and Gardner was wearing not the 79th tartan but the red and resplendent Lochiel Cameron—in which case the Colonel must have been a sight to behold. (See Memoirs of Alexander Gardner, ed. Hugh W. Pearse (1890).)

23. It is quite possible that Kipling based Daniel Dravot, the hero of The Man Who Would Be King, on Dr Harlan. He would surely have heard of the American, and there is a strong echo, in Dravot's fictional Kafiristan adventure (published in 1895), of Harlan's aspirations first to the throne of Afghanistan, and later successfully to the kingship of Ghor, as described in Gardner's Memoirs (published in 1890); whether Harlan's story was true is beside the point. Like many passages in his astonishing career, it lacks corroboration; on the other hand it was accepted, along with the rest, by such authorities as Major Pearse, who was Gardner's editor, and the celebrated

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