84. KTB OKW, iv/2, 1460; Joachimsthaler, 171–2.
85. Lew Besymenski, Die letzten Notizen von Martin Bormann. Ein Dokument und sein Verfasser, Stuttgart, 1974, 230–31.
86. ‘Hitlers Lagebesprechungen’, Der Spiegel, 1966, 42–4.
87. Boldt, 160.
88. Below, 414.
89. ‘Hitlers Lagebesprechungen’, Der Spiegel, 1966, 44–5.
90. Linge, Bis zum Untergang, 277.
91. Joachimsthaler, 442ff., especially 464ff.; Schroeder, 167–9.
92. Joachimsthaler, 464–5; Trevor-Roper, 191–5; Boldt, 167.
93. KTB OKW, iv/2, 1461–2 (quotation 1462).
94. Cit. Trevor-Roper, 198; Lang, Der Sekretar, 334; Olaf Groehler, Das Ende der Reichskanzlei, East Berlin, 1974, 29 (none with source reference). See also Bormann’s entry for 28 April in his desk diary: ‘Our Reich Chancellery is turned into a heap of ruins (Unsere RK [Reichskanzlei] wird zum Trummerhaufen)’ (Besymenski, Die letzten Notizen, 230–1). Trevor-Roper noted that Bormann sent the message to Puttkamer at Munich. But Puttkamer’s own later accounts give no indication that he flew to Munich, and suggest that his destination was Salzburg, before travelling to Berchtesgaden. (Michael A. Musmanno Collection, Duquesne University, Pittsburgh, interview with Admiral Karl-Jesko von Puttkamer, 3 April 1948; FF53, Fols.8–10; Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York, Toland Tapes, V/8/3.) If indeed the message was sent to Munich, it must have sent on the Party’s telegraph line and been relayed from Munich — presumably from a Party Headquarters on its last legs — to Puttkamer in Berchtesgaden.
95. Besymenski, Die letzten Notizen, 230–3.
96. Below, 415.
97. KTB OKW, iv/2, 1463. Domarus, 2232 appears to conflate the two separate reports, that of the afternoon and that of the evening.
98. Below, 415. Below is confused in the chronology of Fegelein’s escapade in connection with the news of Himmler’s behaviour, but his comments otherwise fit the differing responses to the afternoon and evening reports.
99. Cit. Joachimsthaler, 182–3; and Groehler, Das Ende der Reichskanzlei, 30. See also Trevor-Roper, 198, 202; Boldt, 169; Below, 415.
100. This was the trigger to Hitler’s explosion. See the letter to Wenck (though never reaching him) from Bormann, referring to Himmler’s ‘proposal to the Anglo-Americans which delivers our people unconditionally to the plutocrats. A change can only by brought about by the Fuhrer himself, and only by him.’ (‘… hat der Reichsfuhrer SS Himmler den Anglo-Amerikanern einen Vorschlag gemacht, der unser Volk bedingungslos den Plutokraten ausliefert. Eine Wende kann nur vom Fuhrer selbst herbeigefuhrt werden und nur von ihm!’) Cit. Groehler, Das Ende der Reich skanzlei, 31; Joachimsthaler, 185; and Olaf Groehler, Die Neue Reichskanzlei. Das Ende, Berlin, 1995, 60 (where it is referred to as a cable from Krebs and Bormann to Wenck, dispatched in the evening, not in the early hours).
101. See Below, 406.
102. The main first-hand accounts are Schellenberg, 170–87 (though touched up from the original diary; see Irving, HW, 610 n.4); and Graf Folke Bernadotte, Das Ende. Meine Verhandlungen in Deutschland im Fruhjahr 45 und ihre politischen Folgen, Zurich/New York, 1945. See also, for the Bernadotte dealings, Hesse, Das Spiel um Deutschland, 384–5, 429; Kleist, Die europaische Tragodie, 247–52; Kersten, 14–19 (introduction by H. R. Trevor-Roper) and 272–90; Trevor-Roper, 144–7, 155–6, 162–4, 170–3, 199–202; Padfield, Himmler, 565– 96.
103. Padfield, Himmler, 565.
104. Padfield, Himmler, 566.
105. Padfield, Himmler, 567; Kersten, 276–83 (though of dubious authenticity; see Irving, HW, xx).
106. Padfield, Himmler, 578.
107. See Padfield, Himmler, 582, 585.
108. Padfield, Himmler, 578.
109. See Kersten, 278, 281; Guderian, 426; Padfield, Himmler, 567, 571, 579– 80.
110. Padfield, Himmler, 591. Arrangements were discussed at the meeting for a Red Cross convoy to transport a number of Jewish women from Ravensbruck concentration camp. This had followed a remarkable rendezvous at 2a.m. that morning at the home of his masseur, Felix Kersten, between Himmler and a representative of the World Jewish Congress in New York, Norbert Masur, who had travelled to Germany incognito and under promise of safe conduct. Himmler, accompanied by his adjutant Rudolf Brandt, and Schellenberg, had agreed to release female Jews held in Ravensbruck, providing this was kept secret and they were described as Poles. He also consented that no further Jews would be killed, and to hold to his promise to hand over the concentration camps intact to the Allies (Kersten, 284–90; Padfield, Himmler, 590).
111. Schellenberg, 181–2.
112. Padfield, Himmler, 593; Trevor-Roper, 171.
113. Bernadotte, Das Ende, 79–85; Schellenberg, 182-5; Trevor-Roper, 171–2; Padfield, Himmler, 593–4.
114. Padfield, Himmler, 595; Trevor-Roper, 172, 200–201; Bernadotte, 85.
115. Padfield, Himmler, 595–6.
116. Boldt, 170; see also IfZ, ED 100, Irving-Sammlung, Traudl Junge Memoirs, Fols.152–3; Galante, 11 (Junge); Trevor-Roper, 202.
117. Trevor-Roper, 203–4, 277–8; Joachimsthaler, 183, 465; Padfield, 596–7; Below, 415 (who conflates events); Erich Kempka, Die letzten ?age mit Adolf Hitler, Preu?isch Oldendorf, 1975, 78–83 (with inaccuracies); Boldt, 170; IfZ, ED 100, Irving-Sammlung, Traudl Junge Memoirs, Fol.153; Galante, 11– 12 (Junge); Hans Baur, Hitler at my Side, Houston, 1986, 187–8 (with inaccuracies); Linge, Bis zum Untergang, 278; Koller, 95.
118. Joachimsthaler, 181 (and 174 for the communications interruption).
119. Boldt, 171.
120. Boldt, 170; Trevor-Roper, 205; Reitsch, 303–4 (without mentioning the commission concerning Himmler).
121. Koller, 93. Hanna Reitsch described her and Greim’s departure from the bunker, and her confrontation with Himmler about his betrayal of Hitler in her interview with US interrogators on 8 October 1945, NA, Washington, NND 901065, Folder 2, Fols.10–13.
122. Amtsgericht Laufen, Verfahren des Amtsgerichts Berchtesgaden zur Todeserklarung bzw. Feststellung der Todeszeit von Adolf Hitler, testimony of Gertraud Junge, 24 February 1954, Bl.4; Michael A. Musmanno Collection, Duquesne University, Pittsburgh, interview with Gertraud Junge, 7 February 1948, FF25, Fol.31; Joachimsthaler, 188. Whatever the hints, Junge only fully learned of the marriage to Eva Braun when Hitler dictated his Private Testament to her. (Musmanno interview, 32; IfZ, ED 100, Irving-Sammlung, Traudl Junge Memoirs, Fol. 156; Galante, 16.) Gerda Daranowski Christian commented on the surprise caused by the wedding (PRO, WO208/3791, Fol.190 (Interrogation, 25 April 1946, where, however, her chronology of events is wayward); and Library of Congress, Toland Tapes, C-64 (interview with John Toland, 26 July 1971).)
123. Below, 415–16; IfZ, ED 100, Irving-Sammlung, Traudl Junge Memoirs, Fol.156; Galante, 13, 16 (Junge, with inaccuracies), 17–18 (Gunsche); Joachimsthaler, 185–9; Linge, Bis zum Untergang, 281–3; Kempka, 84–6; Boldt, 171–2; Baur, 186 (brief and inaccurate); Trevor-Roper, 207–8; Musmanno, 197ff. In her 1954 testimony (Amtsgericht Laufen, Verfahren des Amtsgerichts Berchtesgaden zur Todeserklarung bzw. Feststellung der Todeszeit von Adolf Hitler, testimony of Gertraud Junge, 24 February 1954, Bl.4), Traudl Junge
