somewhat less. Teachers reduced to begging are described in Schuck, Hadorph, 188.
The conclusion of the Curio lawsuit is described in Annerstedt, Bref III, clxvi–clxix, and the printer’s fate in Bref IV, ccx–ccxi. Valuable information on the press comes also from supplements AZ, AA, and AAA to Rudbeck’s letter of 25 March 1685 (Annerstedt, Bref III, 247–51). Rudbeck’s support of Curio is described in many places, particularly a letter of 3 August 1685, Annerstedt, Bref III, 295, and another letter with the same date, 296–97. Rudbeck’s pawning of copies of Atlantica comes from a letter dated 12 October 1685 (Annerstedt, Bref III, 305). The descriptions of Arrhenius and Schutz’s efforts to block Curio come from an undated letter in September 1685, probably written around the middle of the month. By 16 September, Rudbeck was writing to ask the chancellor to seek help from the king in the Curio conflict (Annerstedt, Bref III, 301).
Rudbeck’s letters shed some light on his work with the sagas, for instance, 2 June 1680, RA, Kanslers embetets handlingar for Uppsala universitet arkiv E.11:7. Rudbeck’s printing of the Norse sagas is listed in Rudbeckius’s Bibliotheca Rudbeckiana (1918). Before printing the sagas, Rudbeck was urging manual copying to protect the manuscripts from too much handling, according to Rudbeck’s letter to De la Gardie, 20 March 1682, RA, Kanslers embetets handlingar for Uppsala universitet arkiv E.11:7.
The attempt to secure funds from the Stockholm city treasury is discussed in Rudbeck’s letter to De la Gardie, 9 May 1685, printed in Annerstedt, Bref III, 276. His hope of following the English example by publishing Atlantica in installments and the report on the state of his debts are from a letter to De la Gardie, 9 May 1685, Annerstedt, Bref III, 274–76. Other fund- raising attempts, including loans from students and readers, are found in a letter dated 12 October 1685 (Annerstedt, Bref III, 306). Rumors of possible royal support were noted by Rudbeck in a letter to De la Gardie, 11 June 1685, Annerstedt, Bref III, 284–86. Both the archbishop and the landshofding were privately assuring Rudbeck of success. See also Rudbeck to De la Gardie, 13 September 1685, Annerstedt, Bref III, 298–99. The king’s letter of 6 October 1685 and his opinion of Rudbeck’s Atlantis project are cited in part in Atl. II, 4–5, 8. The second volume of the Atlantica was dedicated to Charles XI, just as the third would be to dedicated to his son and successor, Charles XII, with more words on Rudbeck’s appreciation (III, 4).
State funding put the search on a solid financial basis: a 200-riksdaler award, with “annually” scribbled in the margins, 13 July 1693 copy, KB, Autografsamling, printed in Annerstedt, Bref IV, 340–42; and Rasmus Nyerup, Olof Rudbeck den ?ldre. Et biographisk omrids. S?rskilt aftrykt af det skandinaviske litteratur selskabs-skrifter for 1813 (1814), 59–63. The level of support is also seen in a supplement to Rudbeck’s letter to Bengt Oxenstierna, dated 13 January 1697, Annerstedt, Bref IV, 353–57. The reference to the clinking of coins was used first for De la Gardie’s subsidy, which galvanized Rudbeck back into action (Rudbeck to De la Gardie, 21 April 1685, Annerstedt, Bref III, 269).
The president of the Chancery, Bengt Oxenstierna, was, at this time, a great supporter. According to Oxenstierna’s secretary, Rudbeck’s theories were “frequently the running topic” of discussion and the president “repeatedly punctuated his solemn public charges” with the reading of Atlantica. In fact he claimed that Oxenstierna’s reading of Atlantica was so vigorous that he often did not heed pressing matters of state. C. Staude, 11 November 1689, Nelson (1950), 93. Rudbeck’s victory in the Inquisition is discussed in Annerstedt, Bref III, cli–clii.
Confucius was introduced into learned Europe with Philippe Couplet’s translation of the Analects, Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687). The questions about China were from the German oriental scholar Professor Muller (Mullerus Greiffenhagius), November 1685 in Nelson (1950), 89. See also Rudbeck’s own investigations about Swedes in China, for instance, KB, Atland tabulae med anteckningar av O Rudbecks hand (F.m.73). Rudbeck acknowledges the comments of the royal geographer Sanson, citing the discussion between Silenus and King Midas on Atlantis, found in Aelianus’s Varia Historia (Atl. II, 138). Among the reasons for Swedes in India were the Swedish names for many places he saw (Atl. III, 471–86). Rudbeck’s discussion of the various representations of the sun is the longest chapter in the entire Atlantica (II, 148–449).
Rudbeck’s hopes for sending Peringer out on another, even more ambitious, journey around Europe were noted in a letter to Bengt Rosenhane, 20 November 1683, Annerstedt, Bref III, 194. Peringer would later succeed Ornhielm as a member of the College of Antiquities, in 1689, and publish his influential edition of Snorri’s Heimskringla. Many other trips were taken, or at least planned. The German traveler Engelbrecht Kempfer, for one, hoped to use the opportunity of accompanying the Swedish embassy to Japan to explore the Far East for more evidence of Rudbeck’s theories. His letter, dated 20 February 1683, asks Rudbeck for an itinerary (printed in Nelson [1950], 48). Visitors seeking out Rudbeck and a trip to Old Uppsala are noted by Annerstedt, Bref IV, cclxiii. The Polish resident was identified as possibly F. G. Galetzki, Annerstedt, Bref IV, cclxiv, n. 1. Rudbeck’s letter to Bengt Oxenstierna elaborates on the colorful occasion (372–74), which was discussed in Annerstedt, Bref IV, cclxiv–cclxvii; and Eriksson (2002), 614–17. The reference to the tourist industry is in Rudbeck’s letter to De la Gardie, 2 October 1685, Annerstedt, Bref III, 302.
Rudbeck’s Campus Elysii is treated in Eriksson (2002), 250–54, and Lindroth (1975), 429–32. The romantic poet in question was P. D. A. Atterbom, his words on the Atlantica coming from Atterbom (1850), 281. The great fire of 1702 is described in Eenberg’s En utforlig relation om den grufweliga eldzwada och skada, som sig tildrog med Uppsala stad den 16 Maii, ahr 1702 (1703), as well as in two of Rudbeck’s letters to Oxenstierna: 17 May 1702 and 26 May 1702, printed in Annerstedt, Bref IV, 387–88 and 389–90. The fire is also described in Annerstedt, Bref IV, cclxxviii–cclxxi; and Annerstedt, UUH II, 350–52. Some manuscripts at Rudbeck’s house were lost, including an early Latin manuscript of Saxo Grammaticus, which Rudbeck refers to in various places in Atlantica, such as II, 83, and III, 675–76. Klemming (1863) has noted a list of manuscripts cited in Rudbeck’s work that are no longer in existence. Another manuscript lost in the fire was a codex of Heimskringla (Godel [1897], 166).
Rudbeck’s part in rebuilding Uppsala is noted in Eriksson (2002), 620; Annerstedt, Bref IV, cclxxxi–cclxxxii; Annerstedt, UUH II, 353; Atterbom (1851), 117; and Fries (1896), 30.
EPILOGUE
Charles XII had grown up with Norse sagas and Rudbeck’s Atlantica (Atterbom [1851], 64; Strindberg [1937], 316ff.). Victories of this warrior king were sometimes celebrated in Rudbeckian terms, for instance making him Sweden’s Hyperborean king (Strindberg, 329–30); Charles XII’s officers searching for Rudbeck’s theories are noted (401). The Battle of Narva has received quite a bit of attention in Swedish and European sources, as noted, for instance, by Hatton (1968), especially 152–54, and Voltaire, 48–54. Rudbeck’s words on the hands black from chemistry and the back aching from stargazing come from a letter cited in Annerstedt, Bref IV, cxcv. Rudbeckia was named by Carl Linnaeus in honor of the Rudbecks, Olof and Olof junior.
