Balance of Power

* * *

Shortly after eight o'clock that evening, by a vote of sixty-six to thirty-four, the Senate passed the Civil Justice Reform Act. Senators Rollins and Coletti voted with the majority.

PART SIX

BALANCE OF

POWER

EARLY DECEMBER–CHRISTMAS WEEK

ONE

Early the next morning, the President responded.

    His first call was to Jeannie Griswold, the Attorney General of Michigan, promising as much support, funding, and campaign assistance as she needed to unseat Jack Slezak in the primary. After thankyou calls to Vic Coletti and Cassie Rollins, he gathered Clayton and his congressional relations team to determine the best course for sustaining his intended veto of the Civil Justice Reform Act.

    Once vetoed, the bill would return to the House of Representatives and, should it override the President, to the Senate. The House was hopeless, all concurred; the bill had passed by a margin well in excess of two-thirds. The battle would be in the Senate, where, at the moment, Frank Fasano was one vote shy of the two-thirds needed to overcome Kerry's veto. All effort would go there.

    The next subject was timing. Kerry had ten days to sign a veto message. The question was whether he was served by waiting, or by sending the bill back to Congress quickly, decisively and dramatically. The conferees read the morning's headlines like tea leaves. The most prominent of these, the Senate's vote, warred with the disclosure of documents adverse to Lexington and Judge Bond's order—public only in its bottom line—that George Callister be deposed.

    Jack Sanders, Kerry's Chief Domestic Policy Advisor, and Alex Cole, his Congressional Liaison, reached opposite conclusions. Sanders favored rapid action to underscore Kerry's resolve. Cole believed that the momentum of events—the arrest of Ben Gehringer; the leak of Lexington's documents—meant that Kerry could use the full ten days to build support and solidify Senate Democrats. Kerry dismissed the meeting with the tentative decision that he would wait before returning the bill to Congress.

    Only Clayton lingered. When the two men were alone, he pointed out, 'You can control your timing, Mr. President, but not Fasano's. He can wait to schedule an override vote until this Congress ends—up to a year, by my reckoning, choosing whatever time you're weakest. That argues for throwing the bill back in his face tomorrow and daring him to act.'

    Briefly, Kerry looked out the window at the bleakest of days, the steady drizzle spattering the glass. 'I've considered that. But no matter what I do, Fasano won't wait, even if he has to keep the Senate in session up to Christmas Eve.' Turning back to Clayton, the President added, 'He can't.'

    A fleeting smile crossed Clayton's face. 'Mary's lawsuit.'

    'Yup. Fasano's patrons can't let it go to trial or even risk more leaks. So Fasano's stuck in a vise between me and the SSA.'

    Clayton considered him. 'And you,' he said pointedly, 'want to give the lawsuit time to blow up in public before Fasano can hold a vote. Maybe some tidbit from George Callister's deposition.'

    'It's only an idle wish,' Kerry answered with a shrug. 'No point in sharing it with Jack and Alex.'

    Clayton chuckled softly. With no change of expression, but in a cooler tone, Kerry asked, 'Did you confirm our information about Lexington?'

    'Yes. Its British parent, Shawcross Holdings, has a major interest in North Sea Oil Leasing and, not-so- coincidentally, is an ardent supporter of the Prime Minister. Who has a considerable say about the future of North Sea drilling.'

    'As between guns and oil, what does Shawcross care about most?'

    'Oil. There's way more money in it.'

    The President thanked him. Leaving the Oval Office, Clayton marveled at the intricacy of Kerry's four-sided chess game with the SSA, Fasano, and Bob Lenihan and Sarah Dash, so subtle and complex that no reporter would ever divine it.

* * *

Alone, the President placed his scheduled call to the Prime Minister.

    The two men, telegenic leaders of a similar age, liked each other. So the exchange of pleasantries was genuine, as was the respect with which they exchanged views on their painstaking war against the Al Qaeda successors of Mahmoud Al Anwar. Only toward the end did Kerry observe, 'I took a bit of a black eye yesterday.'

    'Yes,' the Prime Minister said with sympathy. 'I saw. Fortunately, under your system they don't run you out for losing one vote in the legislature.'

    'Not yet. But I certainly wouldn't care to lose again.' Briefly, Kerry paused. 'On a tangent to that, I have a favor to ask—assuming you feel free to grant it.'

    'If I can, Kerry. As long as you're duly grateful.'

    'Always,' Kerry answered. 'A man named George Callister seems to have washed up on your shores. His ultimate employer is Shawcross Holdings. It's dawned on me that a word from you might hasten his return.'

    'It might,' his ally answered pleasantly. 'What do I need to know?'

* * *

    'Twelve million dollars,' Sarah said, gazing coldly at Lenihan. 'When—if Mary hadn't—did you intend to tell me?'

    Lenihan crossed his arms. 'Nolan and Fancher still don't know. There was no point in telling you unless Mary had an interest.'

    'In what?' Sarah snapped. 'Telling me? Don't bullshit me, Bob. You and Dane were trying to settle this case around me. And might have if Mary hadn't fulfilled your obligations.'

    Their client sat between them in the interior conference room of the Kilcannon Center, an unhappy wraith at the meeting Sarah herself had demanded. Glancing at their client, Lenihan folded his arms. 'Don't accuse me of being some sort of fifth column for those Nazis at the SSA. Or is how CNN got those documents still a mystery to you?'

    The boldness of this statement gave Sarah pause. 'That's another thing,' she said more slowly. 'Bond could have hung us both, and with it Mary's case. But I suppose it's all worthwhile to you if it made Dane up his offer.'

    'Of course it did. Don't be naive.'

    'I'm hardly that,' Sarah rejoined. 'If Mary settles, that would remove the biggest obstacle between Fasano and a veto override.

    'Dane's stated condition is that the settlement amount never be disclosed, and that the files remain nonpublic. Why? Because without disclosure the public will think we're acknowledging that the case has no merit.' Turning to Mary, Sarah added softly, 'You get eight million, and Bob's firm gets four million as its contingent fee. And no one will be able to sue a gun company or the SSA, ever again. Because you'll have helped cause the President to lose.'

    Now Lenihan spoke to Mary. 'The President,' he countered, 'may well lose anyway. Then you'll end up with nothing.'