Birthright

discarded the possibility of surreptitiously trying to record our conversation. I'm sure he has quite enough safeguards to prevent it. Are there any other suggestions?” He looked around the room. “No? Then since no one has anything further to suggest insofar as a defense or counterattack is concerned, I would like to know if the board will support whatever I find I must do or say during the meeting.” The various board members studied him intently. The old bird had something up his sleeve, that was for

sure; and it was just as sure that he had no intention of telling them what it was. He had allowed them to

offer what few ideas they may have had, shot them down, and now presented them with their only alternative: to trust him blindly and implicitly. They knew Cobart and they knew Bomin. It was a pretty easy choice: They gave Bomin a free hand to do as he wished. Which surprised him no more than did Cobart's latest attack on ASOC. His first act was to instruct his staff that no advance mention was to be made in the media of his meeting, nor was there to be any coverage of the meeting itself. Out of respect for the office of the Coordinator, though not the current officeholder, he showered and shaved before leaving. He was ushered into Cobart's office by a circuitous route. Then the door was closed behind him and he was alone in the huge, ornate room with the Coordinator. “I'll get right to the point,” said Cobart by way of greeting. “I want you and ASOC to get off my back.” “Easily done,” said Bomin with a smile. “Return the power you've illegally usurped from the people of the Aldebaran system.”

“That's just the kind of inflammatory remark I'm objecting to. If you know what's good for you, you'll stop taking potshots at my Administration.” “And that's just the kind of heavy-handed threat I object to, Mr. Cobart,” said Bomin. “Surely you didn't invite me here just to make it.”

“I didn't invite you at all,” said Cobart. “I commanded your presence.” “And I, having weighed the pros and cons, decided of my own free will to accept your invitation.” “Bomin, I've had enough of your rabble-rousing. Some of the statements you've made through ASOC amount to nothing less than treason.”

“Certainly not treason to the Oligarchy,” said Bomin mildly. “Or are you implying I've committed treason against the people of the Aldebaran system? Because if you are, then you have only to prefer charges formally and—”

“What would you say,” interrupted Cobart, “if I told you that it is within my constitutional power to nationalize ASOC?”

“First, that it is definitely not within your real or implied powers,” said Bomin, “and second, that your desire to do so anyway hardly comes as a surprise to me.” “I've only to say the word and ASOC will become an official government agency,” continued Cobart. “Oh, the courts will probably knock it down, and if they don't, the Oligarchy will. But knocking it down will take time—possibly a year, possibly more. By then the people would have heard both sides of the case, and most of your bright young men would have found nice secure jobs in other fields. Think about it, Bomin.”

“Oh, I assure you Ihave thought about it. Subtlety is not one of your more noteworthy qualities, Mr. Coordinator. We at ASOC foresaw this move long ago.” “I don't doubt that you did,” said Cobart. “Have you come up with any alternative solution which I

would consider satisfactory?”

“It's entirely possible that we have,” said Bomin. “You claim that we present your case unfairly, correct?” Cobart nodded. “What would be your response if, in exchange for your written promise never to raise the issue of nationalization of ASOC again, I promised you—also in writing, to be sure—that ASOC will give you equal time to present your side of the story? In other words, we will guarantee you one minute of air time for every minute we criticize you, one inch of newspaper column space for every anti-Cobart inch we run.”

Cobart rejected the offer, as Bomin had known he would do. Then came the clincher. “What if I further promised that for the three years prior to the next election, no section of the media owned by ASOC or any of its affiliates will criticize you or your Administration, either directly or by implication?”

Cobart stared at him. “You mean it?”

“I was never more sincere in my life,” said Bomin. “I'll further add that should ASOC's end of the agreement be broken at any time prior to the next election, we will offer no resistance to nationalization.” “Put it in writing,” said Cobart.

“Most assuredly,” said Bomin, producing a number of documents from a small titanium-alloy briefcase. “As you can see,” he said, spreading them out on a table before Cobart, “I brought with me a document for every agreement we might possibly reach. Naturally, I didn't expect you to accept halfway measures, but I was prepared just in case you were feeling philanthropic. Ah, here it is.” He pulled one of the papers out, signed it, and then signed a copy. “If you'll just put your signature and the seal of your office on these, our business will be concluded.” “You gave in awfully easily,” said Cobart, staring at the documents. “I never expected Jorg Bomin to surrender without a fight.”

“The end result was inevitable,” said Bomin. “With or without an agreement, ASOC wouldn't be able to get after you in a few days’ time. At least this way I can see to it that you don't manageall the news.” Cobart looked at the document again. “Add a clause about keeping this a secret until either party breaks it, and I'll sign it.”

“Are you planning on breaking it, Mr. Coordinator?” asked Bomin mildly. “No,'’ said Cobart. “But the dayyou do, I'm going to crucify you with this damned paper.” “And in the meantime,” said Bomin, “you'd just as soon the people didn't know that we had agreed not to tell them the truth about you. However, I have no objection to inserting a paragraph addressed to that point.” He scribbled it in, initialed it on both the original and the copy, and handed them over to Cobart, who read them, signed them, and placed the official seal of his office upon them. “I'd better not read about this, or hear about it, or see it, tomorrow morning,” snapped Cobart, returning the copy to Bomin.

“Oh, you have my assurance that you won't,” said Bomin, and left.

The next morning Bomin called another meeting of his board of directors, and brought in the heads of the various news media as well. As soon as all were assembled, he read them the agreement he and Cobart had signed.

“You've ruined us!” cried one of the directors. “What the hell got into you?” demanded another. “Quite the contrary, gentlemen,” said Bomin gently. “Last night, when he affixed his signature to this agreement, Gile Cobart signed his political obituary, although neither he nor you have figured that out yet.”

“You wouldn't want to explain yourself, would you?” asked his newstape head. “Indeed I would,” said Bomin. “That's the reason I've called this meeting. Now, to understand what has happened and what will happen, you must understand the agreement in its totality, both what it says and what it does not say. For example, we have agreed to give Cobart equal time or equal space in the media; in other words, every time we blast him, he gets a chance to hit back. We have further agreed never to blast him.”

“Isn't that contradictory?” asked the newstape head. “I hardly think so,” said Bomin. “ASOC will never again attack Cobart or his Administration, nor will Cobart ever be able to demand time or space to defend himself.” “If that means we're going to spout the government line,” said the head of the video division, “I'm tendering my resignation here and now.”

“You feel I've sold ASOC out?” asked Bomin. “I do.”

“If that's what you think,” said Bomin coldly, “then you're not bright enough to run your department and your resignation is accepted forthwith. Now, to continue: We will never again attack Cobart. Nor will we ever again praise him. In brief, from this moment forward, no section of ASOC will ever again mention his name. Whether his Administration rises in triumph or falls in ignominy, from this day until the next election, all news concerning Cobart will be noted, filed, and forgotten. I realize this will present some problems, such as the new farm bill passed for Aldebaran IX. However, the bill can and will be reported; credit for it will be omitted. No air time or tape time or newsprint will be given to Cobart or his government for any reason whatsoever. Is that understood?” “He'll scream bloody murder,” said the head of the video division.” “Young man,” said Bomin gently, “you have already been dismissed from all duties. However, I'll assume that someone else in the room may be considering that very question, and will address myself to it. Cobart cannot possibly do us any harm by objecting to our policy. For one thing, he cannot reach the people except by personal appearance, and to reach enough of them that way would preclude his being able to function as